Chekhov in The Gulf of Mexico

    The resort staff are turning off the light

    at the poolside bar. The iron gate

    around the pool clanks shut loud enough

    to wake the kiddos whose sleep their mothers

     

    toiled to obtain. This Saturday night

    is uniquely music-less, the usual spate

    of sounds drowned out — rough

    and slick alike, proclivities and druthers.

     

    Even the band abandoned their tunes

    when the downpour came. Unwelcome guests,

    clouds clash though you can’t see the colors —

     

    damson, plumbago, where the swimmer prunes

    and lightning in a soft synaptic burst suggests

    the heavens had a thought, which sank in the rollers.

     

    In the morning another worker’s come.

    He brushes off the leavings of a palm tree

    from the cushions with a pillow.

    He cranks taut the skirts of the umbrellas,

     

    so the colors resolve into a dome

    of crisp stripes. He loops the ropes expertly

    out of the reach of children, though

    the overall look, from above, is of bulls-eyes.

     

    Slashed fronds, slats, louvers, wickerwork —

    whatever breeze can be gotten, everything’s sieving.

    Housekeeping the outdoors is an enterprise:

     

    raking sand each morning like a Zen monk

    so that the guests can say, “This is living.”

    And the protected marsh is nodding, no surprise.

    He puts the TV, she her jewelry on.

    A divorceé, with her teenage son

    who mutters, almost immediately,

    that all the songs are about pair-bonding.

     

    Each song, she might reply, is a repetition

    before it’s a departure. But he’s gone —

    he notices the poolside palms surgically

    relieved of their fruit. Tanning and blonding,

     

    the guests make use of the green-banana light,

    and maybe the umbrellas are really meant

    to keep an epiphany from glancing off the skull.

     

    When the sun reaches a certain height,

    a swish unwraps the cellophane from peppermint;

    a green stripe in the surf burns auroral.

     

    Tender the flesh under the shoulder strap,

    and the bubble where the sandal thong chafes

    threatens to burst. Sea grapes, saw palmettoes.

    A seraglio of interior paramours.

     

    Little herds trot across the sand wrapped

    in towels identical to the umbrellas. Waifs

    wander in search of lizards. A man throws

    out his arms: “Venga, como una mariposa!”

     

    and the little girl jumps. A boy, maybe four,

    points out a baby iguana poking its snout

    through the slats of a porch. The smallest

     

    among us spot the miniscular. They adore

    the giant chess set, knocking the queen out

    with the flourish of a major plot-twist.

     

    Mother and son share a kayak. They bump 

    and bumble into the mangrove swamp

    and barely keep up with the tour guide.

    “Life starts here,” he’s saying, “the tide

     

    brings animals and fish to incubate.”

    Unsynchronously paddling the strait,

    mother hissing, son throwing a backward glare,

    they pantomime a mismatched pair.

     

    Amid a cloud of kicked-up sand (“mermaid’s milk”)

    manatees, mouths full of sea grass, gleam in bulk.

    The guide holds up a jellyfish; the boy puts out his hand.

     

    A smile shows he’s hooked. The sting he can stand:

    it’s impersonal. Now they sail through a cove

    of hurricane wrecks and it looks like love.

     

    Yes, the future has come to harass parents

    while the scenery plays second fiddle

    to the girls with cameras — snapping themselves.

    The boy worships each one from afar.

     

    The afternoon is turning a corner, hence

    the heat, which makes the parking lot a griddle.

    Better to languish on those balconies like shelves

    than seek out the telescope which brings a star

     

    too close. Besides, a starboard light will serve,

    after too many rosé-colored glasses,

    as the true purveyor of mysteries, because you know

     

    there’s a captain there, negotiating earth’s curve.

    Whatever the green light in the darkness promises,

    what kissed you, you’ll see in the morning, was a mosquito.

    A steady stream of rhymes (lingo/gringo) purls

    across the palms’ scanty shade. Now country,

    now reggae, now “light contemporary.”

    The balconies repeat dizzyingly, all rails

     

    and wickerwork and cushions printed with zz’s

    receding like a single room between two mirrors.

    A man, with his actress companion, appears.

    The palms start up like a band in a sudden breeze:

     

    Rain, rain, rain, their only song. Crabs fallen

    from the zodiac make like putts into their holes.

    Rain, which drop by drop sounds a complaint

     

    of zinc-tipped arrows against Eros, comes when

    lightning collects its highway tolls.

    Then we see what bulls-eyed umbrellas meant.

    Ringstrasse

    I lost my grandmother’s opera glasses …

    an empire in thrall to innovations

    offered electric shocks in the Prater

    for a small charge. In wedding dresses,

    fräuleins dove from moving trains. Scions,

    following the Great Somnambulator,

     

    walked out of windows (into Blush Noisette!)

    or stepped off bridges in uniform.

    Thunderclouds amassed

    as if looking to discharge public debt

    under cover of a lightning storm.

    It was a day like any other that Albert Last

     

    as played, maybe, by a ringer for Strauss,

    drowned. Baroness Vetsera (Louise Brooks)

    descended from her carriage with a twirl

    in front of the incandescent opera house.

    No smelly tallow! She trained her binocs

    on the Prince. … typical fan girl.

     

    Yes, mine were the glasses that saw

    coaches turn into pumpkins.

    Fiacre — barouche — swagged and crowned.

    Droshky — diligence — curricle — landau.

    Phaetons that for all their sins

    never ran heaven into the ground.

    Antigone in Hong Kong 

    Hong Kong has its own Antigone and her name is Chow Hang-Tung. I had never heard of her until June 4, 2021. 

    Every year from 1989 until the start of the pandemic, Hong Kong has commemorated the Tiananmen Massacre with a candlelight vigil at Victoria Park on June 4. Though attendance had been dwindling through the years, the vigil is a proud tradition and one that marks Hong Kong as unique, because nowhere else within China can the events of Tiananmen be openly acknowledged, much less memorialized. This changed, however, in 2020, with the passing of the National Security Law (NSL). Ostensibly a law to criminalize subversion and protect the integrity of the state, many understood it to be a weapon to stifle dissent of any kind. Freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, rights once guaranteed by Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, have been superseded by this new law. 

    As a consequence of the NSL, these freedoms can now only be exercised in a context in which they do not threaten the status quo as defined by China. Given Beijing’s resolute denial of the events of Tiananmen in 1989, convening a commemoration on June 4 in this new environment could well be deemed subversive, though, interestingly, applications to hold the vigil as usual in 2020 and 2021 had been denied on public health grounds and not on political grounds. While there was no official indication that approval had been withheld because the vigil contravened the National Security Law, the excessively large police presence in the vicinity of Victoria Park on the night of June 4, 2021 was sending a rather different message, as was Chow’s arrest on the morning of the same day. 

    Chow is the vice-chair of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China, an organization that has convened the Tiananmen vigil in Hong Kong over the years. In the absence of the Hong Kong Alliance’s leaders (who had been imprisoned in sweeping NSL arrests earlier in the year), Chow, a bespectacled barrister with a broad, frank face and a friendly smile, stepped up to maintain Hong Kong’s commitment to remember Tiananmen. Knowing that a permit to gather and conduct the memorial had been denied, she posted on Facebook that she would continue the tradition of lighting a candle in a public space to commemorate the events of June 4, 1989. Her message ends with an exhortation to 

    keep the candlelight alive in the cold, to keep the bottom line of our conscience, and to keep our remaining freedom. Only by standing our ground and defending our position and principles with actions can we win the space for survival. On June 4 this year, let us continue to fight for justice for the dead and dignity for the living with candlelight.

    She was promptly arrested and, in January 2022, convicted and sentenced to fifteen months in prison for these words. The charge was “promoting an unauthorized assembly.” 

    For a brief period, while out on bail, Chow remained in the news. Faced with both an additional accusation that the organization she headed was an “agent of foreign forces” and a police request for information on the Hong Kong Alliance’s finances and membership, Chow characterized the targeting of the Alliance as the exercise of “unreasonable power” and pointedly declined to accede to any demands. This act of non-compliance landed her back in jail on new charges of failing to cooperate with police investigations and subversion of the state. Her continual defiance of the authorities was extraordinary, a brave devotion to principle that she continued to exhibit even in prison. While a number of her fellow activists had strategically opted to plead guilty to charges of incitement and sedition in exchange for a reduced sentence, Chow refused to do so. In a bilingual message to supporters published on Patreon explaining her decision, she runs through the pros and cons of pleading guilty and concludes that, no matter the consequences, she is unable to be dishonest:

    What I said before everything took place shall remain the same in my submission to the court. It shall not alter due to threats of penalty. You can force bitter manual tasks on me — like washing the toilet — and smelly porridge, but you can’t force me to speak contrary to my mind. You can even force me to shut up but you can’t force me to utter what I do not believe.

    Her word matters to her and, even if a guilty plea is now meaningless in a law court whose integrity is questionable, she still cannot bring herself to admit to the allegation brought against her. 

    My speech is sacred and inviolable. It embodies my free will which cannot be taken away by any exterior forces. And to live up to every word I have said is a very humble discipline I set for myself.

    Taking such a stance is exhausting, as she herself admits, but better to expend her energies while holding to such a position than to live aimlessly. 

    More than her honesty, what I believe marks Chow out as truly remarkable, is her consistency. She has her principles and she will stay loyal to them. Like Antigone, she has a single-minded purposefulness that propels and fortifies her through her difficulties.

    I know that I am not like Antigone, principled and unafraid, choosing to defy her uncle Creon’s decree and give her brother his burial rites, even if it means certain death. She marches unwaveringly through the play like an otherworldly saint set on martyrdom. Doing right by her brother and acting in accordance with the laws of God matter more than life itself. No, I am not Antigone; I do not have such courage; I do not have a death wish.

    Does this mean that I am Ismene, Antigone’s sister whom Creon says can be found sniffling within his house? She doesn’t sound like much. If we are to believe Creon, Ismene seems akin to one of those red-nosed pathetic women who exist in a Jane Austen novel merely to showcase the heroine’s patience and virtue — a poor and sorry specimen of a woman. Creon is a misogynist, though; all women are sniveling fools to him. But I must admit that I rather like Ismene. She is ordinary. She fears for her own skin. She finds excuses not to be heroic: “We are only women/We cannot fight with men,” she tells Antigone. I know we are meant to aspire to Antigone’s dogged pursuit of the higher law, but I feel more at ease with Ismene. When she says to Antigone, “And I think it is dangerous business/To be always meddling,” that line rings true to me; I have this fear within me too. She says it almost as an afterthought, but it is a revealing moment. More than her excuses of being a weak woman and wishing to be obedient to the authority of her uncle, this apprehension of meddling, of stepping outside the set bounds, of the repercussions that her deviance will bring, is her deepest motivation not to act as Antigone will do. 

    Ismene has learnt the danger of going beyond her prescribed place because she lives in a patriarchal and authoritarian world. As the play unfolds and Creon displays more and more of his splenetic and dictatorial impulses, with especially devastating results for himself, we see fleshed out the environment that Ismene inhabits. Cross the king and you will suffer consequences. Consider the sentry’s fear in bringing bad news to Creon. Consider how Creon’s own son, Haimon, is given short shrift by his father. Consider what happens to Antigone. Ismene knows what it means to live in a hostile world. You can call her a coward, one who values self-preservation over justice, but she is a survivor.

    Like Antigone, Chow is more of a fighter than a survivor, and she fights with a clear-eyed recognition that the odds are against her and that she will be called upon to sacrifice her freedom. Though she has had a surprising victory with the recent overturning of her January 2022 conviction for illegal assembly, her conviction for her other NSL-related charges means that she remains imprisoned for the foreseeable future. Most of us (and I certainly include myself) will never be as steadfast as she is, especially in the face of hardship and suffering. We survive by evasion. Like Ismene, we know the art of inconsistency.

    If we follow Sophocles’ imagining of their lives in Oedipus at Colonnus, Antigone has always lived on the margins, refusing to compromise. She is the one who suffers with Oedipus, guiding her blind father in his exile. Ismene, on the other hand, has chosen to remain in Thebes with her brothers, living in comfort, but she is nonetheless loyal to her father. She is the spy within the royal household, bringing reports of the latest oracles and court politics to Oedipus and Antigone. She is the two-faced insider who knows what it means to appear one way and think another, to say one thing and do another. The purity of Antigone’s purpose is not hers; Ismene’s world is murkier and more fraught. No wonder she is afraid; no wonder she does not always make the right decisions; no wonder she changes her mind and oscillates between positions. 

    To borrow Václav Havel’s language from his great essay “The Power of the Powerless,” Ismene lives in the world of appearances while trying as best she can to live in truth. She is akin to Havel’s hypothetical greengrocer who puts up a poster he does not believe in to signal his acquiescence to the totalitarian system. She will obey Creon’s diktat, though she disagrees with it. She will subvert where she can, as she does in Oedipus in Colonnus, and she will, at the end of Antigone, perhaps inspired or shamed by Antigone’s actions, attempt to live by her conscience instead of her fear. No one will make her a protagonist, because her existence is too ordinary, too mean. In an unjust world, we have Ismenes in abundance; what we need is the consistent purity of Antigone as a beacon of truth.

    Am I defending Ismene too much? Perhaps, but I feel for her lack of heroism, her faint efforts to live in the truth. Most of us do not live in the kind of totalitarian state that engendered Havel’s astute analysis of power, complicity, and subversion. We will never quite experience such an extreme split between appearances and truth, but, as Havel recognized, there are larger forces at work on all of us, whether we live in a democracy or an authoritarian state or somewhere in between. There is everywhere the wish—sometimes sinister, sometimes well-intentioned—to deny us our messy humanity in favor of the orderliness of a smoothly running system. We all know what it feels like to inhabit an institution (think of the corporations we work for, the schools we were educated in, the neo-liberal capitalist economies we are trapped in) that offers us safety, convenience, and a livelihood in exchange for our willing conformity. 

    Staying true to our humanity is harder than one thinks. Havel understood this very well:

    Human beings are compelled to live within a lie, but they can be compelled to do so only because they are capable of living in this way …. each person is capable, to a greater or lesser degree, of coming to terms with living within a lie. Each     person succumbs to a profane trivialization of his inherent humanity, and to utilitarianism. In everyone there is some willingness to merge with the anonymous crowd and to flow comfortably along with it down the river of pseudo-life.

    I had to pause for a while after I first read this passage from Havel’s essay. Here was the psychology of Ismene laid bare. Here was my own psychology laid bare. Because my flesh is weak and I hanker after ease, comfort, and security, I willingly efface myself and live in ways that falsify my being. It is a disturbing revelation, and one that when applied retrospectively to my life reveals a great deal about me. I conform and I find ways to evade conformity. It explains why I am not in jail like Chow Hang-Tung, and why I am also no longer living in Hong Kong. We each find our ways to live in the truth; and I have chosen exile and a return to my native Singapore. 

    I learned a Chinese proverb in the midst of the protests in Hong Kong: you kill the chickens to frighten the monkeys. Its meaning is clear enough: a display of gratuitous violence silences the targeted community. I have been a scared monkey for almost all my adult life. I became one in 1987, when in Singapore a “Marxist conspiracy” to unseat the government was unveiled by the media. A group of sixteen social workers, activists, and volunteers at a Catholic outreach center were arrested and detained without trial under the Internal Security Act. Confessions were obtained and broadcast on national television. I was fifteen, more interested in netball and navigating the confusing currents of schoolgirl friendships than politics. Still, this was an event that no one could ignore. I grasped only vaguely the details of the situation being described on television, but I sensed a chill, a hush in the air. Everyone was shocked by the turn of the events, but the horror was less about this shadowy network supposedly working surreptitiously within the Catholic church to create a communist state than about the government’s overreaction. 

    My parents were not overtly political; they were more focused on living comfortable middle-class lives complete with as many status markers as they could afford — house, cars, club membership, travels abroad. But they were not naive. They knew the accusations rang hollow and they said so, though quietly and privately, only within the four walls of the family home. They understood the warning: the chickens were being killed. I watched and listened somewhat puzzled, somewhat indifferent (it was far more pressing to me to understand why some friends at school were giving me the cold shoulder), but enough had seeped into me. I knew this in my bones now: annoy the government and this could happen to you, too. 

    When fear of your own government enters you, what is the remedy? I could imagine only one solution: you leave the place that generates the disquiet. It was not exactly a conscious choice; I did not understand that I was running away from an ill-defined and amorphous political anxiety. In fact, it felt more like I was running away from my dysfunctional family. But I was also escaping a place — Singapore — that had always felt constrained and constricted to me. You cannot feel completely at ease knowing at the back of your mind that the government’s hand could reach for you when you least expect it. So, in my twenties, when I had the choice between working in Hong Kong or continuing on in Singapore in a similar position, the answer was obvious. Of course I was going to Hong Kong. 

    I had last been there as a small child and barely knew the place. All I could remember was how rude the people could be if you were ethnically Chinese but could not speak Cantonese, and I did not speak a single word of Cantonese. But Hong Kong was not Singapore, and even in 1999, two years after its return to China, Hong Kong still had a reputation as a place where the rights to free speech and political assembly were firmly exercised. I was not exactly in a hurry to indulge in these freedoms myself, but I liked being in a place where others could. I did not like chickens being harmed and people turned into frightened monkeys.

    A few weeks before August 9, which is Singapore’s National Day, the red and white flags start to come out. The estate management is responsible for the decorative bunting hung out in common areas, but individual flat owners can choose to hang the national flag from their windows. I have seen images in the past of blocks of flats blanketed with red and white flags. It makes for quite a sight, stirring but also a little chilling. This year, looking from my apartment window, I count only a handful on display. 

    When I witnessed the first flag being put out in the block opposite me, my thoughts turned to Havel’s greengrocer and his poster, even though, on further reflection, there is very little similarity between these two acts. We are under no compulsion — direct or indirect — to display the flag, and no one will suffer consequences for failing to do so. Such pockets of freedom make living in Singapore bearable. I remember joking with my friends while I was still in Hong Kong that, with the way things were going around the world, authoritarian Singapore was beginning to look enticing. Given the vagueness of the NSL in Hong Kong and how it might be applied by over-enthusiastic security officers, I felt that at least in Singapore I knew what and where the red lines were. I am, after all, a bona fide Singapore-trained monkey.  

    Living in Singapore after the sadness of Hong Kong’s transformation under the NSL is also a relief. If I am to be brutally honest, this is because the pressure to be an Antigone of some kind in Hong Kong is always present. When the Hong Kong authorities began to arrest pro-democracy activists under the auspices of the NSL in 2021, Martin Niemöller’s famous warning, as well as adaptations of it to suit Hong Kong’s situation, began to circulate on social media:

    First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out — because I was not a socialist.

    Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out— because I was not a trade unionist.

    Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out — because I was not a Jew.

    Then they came for me — and there was no one left to speak for me.

    Sympathizers of the democratic cause were being asked to not turn a blind eye to what was happening and to speak up against the unjust arrests. But the chicken-killing spree had frightened the monkeys. Antigones were wanted, but mostly Ismenes were to be found. 

    Singapore, on the other hand, is a place where Ismenes are prized, which is why being here is restful for me. Life is certainly circumscribed, but there is space enough to keep writing, especially about Hong Kong. One conforms so that the pen can evade conformity.

    In my dreams I am Antigone. 

    I am in an underground cell so dark that I have to feel and grope my way about like my father used to. There is a tray of food on the floor by the door and I can hear the twitchings and squeaks of what is probably a rat. It is cold. The dead are above ground, the living below. I am exhausted. First sleep and then the final sleep, except that I have court dates to remember and attend, and I have a submission to write for the judge, but I do not have my legal books and my notes. I can only remember Havel’s greengrocer, who put up and then took down the poster and suffered the consequences. The emperor has no clothes, but he wields a great deal of power even when stark naked. Somehow I know that Ismene is in the cell above me. I can hear her singing. It’s her voice, for sure—lilting but penetrating. It makes my heart glad. I do not recognize the song and it is in a language that I do not understand, but I know that it is Ismene who is singing, and she is telling me that she will survive and keep singing. I was angry with her for not coming with me to bury Polyneices, but now I think that it is actually good that someone survives, though I would never have admitted this to her face. Someone has to die and someone has to live. She will be lonely, my poor sister, while I will have the company of my father and my brothers. That will be her lot in life. Though if she keeps singing like this, like a songbird in a cage dreaming of swaying green branches and racing blue skies, she will be fine. Ismene will be fine. 

    In my dreams, I am an Antigone who forgives Ismene.

    Concept Creep: A Progressive’s Lament

    For Jim Longenbach

    On or about November 9, 2016, human nature changed. All human speech shifted, and when human speech shifts there is at the same time a shift in religion, conduct, politics, and literature. The word equality — so long associated with liberalism — left the left; they erected the house of complicity in its footprint, behind its aging facade. It was a haunted house. All who dared enter shadow-boxed with a series of specters. These were battles of life or death organized around minor abrogations of language (from “homeless” to “unhoused,” from lowercase to uppercase first letters in racial designations, and so on). I am not a liberal, but one of the left coalition that can scarcely win a primary, so I am inured to my powerlessness. But in the final years of that decade, I learned that I was limitlessly powerful. Indeed, hadn’t we Bernie bros — I preferred “Berning Men” — opened the gaps through which Trump crawled? And weren’t we therefore obligated to kneel first during public rituals of self-cleansing? And wasn’t each person not simply an agent of their own notions, but a resister to or collaborator with public feeling? Of late, a beloved friend whose politics are far more virtuous than mine has chastised me for voting with too little enthusiasm. My shrug, you see, is complicit with “the other side.” It enables them. And I think: surely it must rankle human dignity to be radicalized for so moderate a force as the Democratic party. 

    Everywhere in the Complicity Era, we were compelled to exercise our power through illocutionary speech acts — denouncing and endorsing on cue. This included accolades for “Nazi-punching” far from our front doors, declamations against election interference by Russia (who, long ago, perfected the art of Nazi-punching), and odes to civil unrest authored by the people most likely to turn tail at the sight of a fire in their own neighborhoods. Certain events elicited public statements from people with no public profile; Verdict Days for killer cops demanded an evening litany on Twitter. The event need not be macropolitical. You might denounce former comrades who had been insufficiently pious, or who continued to “follow” Louis CK’s social media accounts. You could issue these dicta on the same platform that sold you weighted blankets and over-priced rompers that costumed adults as children. For the last two decades, I had joked (after Baudrillard) that the Cold War did not take place. In Jenny Erpenbeck’s Go Went Gone, the reunification of Germany means little more to its protagonist — a retired academic — than a slightly closer transit stop to his apartment in Berlin. 

    So much memory had been scrubbed with the dismantling of the political and intellectual apparatus that sustained “war” — which of course was less a war than a wrestling match. Like many Americans my age, I grew up burning whole weekends with the board game Risk, which perfectly inverted the truth of war. The longer the game went on, the more resources the strongest fighter accumulated. The deepest resource, of course, is a population’s decentralized paranoia, with no top-down instruction required. In the Complicity Era, we have found other uses for the paranoid style, the resource that paradoxically shaped and emerged from the Cold War. Paranoia migrated, resurged, and renewed. In early 2022, a poll found that more than forty percent of Americans believed Russia was Communist; if your first instinct is to hope that this forty percent is on the “other side,” then the complicity critique of these years has cost you dearly. 

    Perhaps it was not the “paranoid style” of the political right, but the “hermeneutic of suspicion” practiced by the academic left, that seized American tongues. The desire to flush out the enemy of concealed meaning generates martial language in scholarly writing; there, the writer does not argue, he intervenes. He does not analyze; he interrogates. Concepts steadily creeped from colleges and universities to the broader world: think of the heights to which intersectionality and performativity climbed in these dishonest decades. For those of us trained in the humanities, the language traveled with all the precision one could expect after a student pulls an all-nighter before an essay exam. Most of the people who coined or refined the concepts that creep to the public square are still alive — young Boomers or old Gen Xers — so one wonders what they do when they wake in the middle of the night, feeling like both Victor Frankenstein and his Creature.

    “Performativity” came to mean the self-conscious exhibition of one’s political virtues, though it in fact referred to one’s almost unconscious habituation to identity roles, subject to subversion with subsequent repetition. There is the agonizing loss of “emotional labor” — formerly the management of feeling required by low-wage service workers, the term now serves as an excuse to refuse evidence, renege on debate, and resist counter-argument, especially if your opponent has been unpersoned, thanks to their own infelicities of language or allegiance. Then, it is no longer your “job” to educate them; it is onerous emotional labor to even continue the conversation. “Intersectionality” became a signpost that one was aspiring to treat identity categories as mutually constitutive, but it clearly chose the heft of some identities (race, not class; gender, not citizenship) over others. The rote uses of these terms, the reflexive self-descriptions and deceptions that attend them, are so utterly empty and imitable that they can be written by bot; indeed, perhaps they are, in public apologies and mission statements. Novels such as Lauren Oyler’s Fake Accounts and Patricia Lockwood’s No One is Talking About This nonetheless wring some eloquence out of the fallen discourse.

    But who reads novels? One might find the withering term “reductionist” affixed to their politics should they tarry too long with an identity that has not attained totemic value at the Pop Intersections. The going euphemism — “unhoused” — is one I have heard spoken aloud precisely twice, both at academic conferences; one was at the Moscone Center in San Francisco, and the other at the Washington State Convention Center in Seattle. Outside those doors, ragged people sleep, scream, and weep; they practice amateur phlebotomy on city sidewalks. No alteration of terminology will ameliorate these conditions. The categories of “class” and “poverty” do not quite work in social justice contexts, because the conditions under discussion must be eliminated, not celebrated as signs of diversity. The point is not to become comfortable with the “unhoused,” but to find them houses. 

    Freddie de Boer writes about the mental health disabilities that no one cares about, the ones that extra time on the SAT or endlessly flexible deadlines will not ameliorate. Unpretty psychological disorders compel some of us to starve ourselves and shove wires under our fingernails. We hear rumbling, absent voices that impose impossible loyalty tests on everyone who loves us. Many of us who are critically ill are largely ignored even as “healers” celebrate the power of talk therapy and self-care on Instagram and TikTok. David Baddiel and others note that Jews don’t count in much social justice agitation around race. The mutability of Jewish appearance is cited by so-called anti-racists as a reason that antisemitism is not “as bad” as any other supremacy — but that very mutability is the kernel of antisemitic paranoia (and its attendant violence). In social justice circles, a slander is therefore mistaken for a privilege. And I would simply add to this incomplete list: age. If you take as a sign of bien pensant thinking the language that circulated in liberal arts classrooms in the late Obama years, do not be surprised if all your comrades are around thirty-two years old. 

    I am forty-three; I likely taught this crew, for some embarrassing per-class sum. Times were tough; I took too little money and wrote too few notes in the margins, so I taste an unpleasant mixture of guilt and rage as concepts creep so far from necessary use. (I am not Judith Butler or Kimberlé Crenshaw or Arlie Hochschild, but I do sometimes wake up from my own Frankenstein nightmares). I grieve the loss of language that we needed, in philosophical and intellectual inquiry, to unearth the insidious logic of marginalization. I grieve a circulation of these terms that sounds more like telling than talking. I grieve emotional labor in particular, since my job requires management of both my feelings and my ungovernable facial expressions. Most of all, I grieve it because I am a class reductionist. 

    During the heady days I taught women’s studies — then gender studies, then gender and sexuality studies, and so on — I frequently reminded bright-eyed students that arguments for the liberatory power of sex work (or even, simply, the work of sex work) tended to come from the sector’s most elite practitioners — from call girls and well-paid escorts, not survival sex workers or people who occasionally traded sex for a place to sleep without calling that a transaction, or work at all, since they would clock in for a minimum wage job in the morning. Critiques of academia, similarly, come from its elite quadrants: from tenured professors who parlayed their heterodoxy into podcasts and book deals and prizes, from opponents of cancel culture who think that the character of higher education can be gleaned from five elite campuses where students picket dorms with troubling names above the door, or hector their professors into early retirement. But most students don’t choose college with advice from the Princeton Review; they choose it on a map, because it is close to their full-time employer or caregivers for their school-age children. The emerging college majority — of poor and first-generation college students, of working adults — has little in common with tony New Yorker and New York Times reports about the fascinating vicissitudes of life at Harvard. 

    Cruel economics blunt the possibility of student solidarity with their precariously employed instructors, and make it more urgent, too. The politics of the public campus are equally predictable, though different in texture, from Oberlin and Smith; so is the education. No less elite a figure than Woodrow Wilson boasted that the majority of the population could forego the benefits of a liberal arts education to preserve it for the few. Most have. No less radical a figure than W.E.B. DuBois noted that the public intellectuals arguing for the irrelevance of Shakespeare had studied Shakespeare at the seminar table they shared with him at Fisk University. They wanted more for themselves than they would offer to the rest of us. The entitlement of non-elite students is present but, again, different: it is instrumentalist in its relationship to knowledge, and firm in the notion that all work has a supervisor, and they are my bosses. When we talk about higher education, we tend to forget that, whatever its cultural power, the university is simply my workplace. There, I exchange my labor for a wage. I do not work to earn cultural capital. Cultural capital cannot pay my mortgage. 

    Putatively justice-minded academics are content to leave the note unpaid. Before her death – premature and sudden, even at the age of eighty-one — Barbara Ehrenreich often told a story about bringing campus organizers to a faculty meeting in hopes of generating support for their campaign for unionization, only to have long-tenured women professors declaim that they were tired of having men talk over them about politics. The men in question were the janitors in their office building, but no matter. These men are certainly capable of discussing ideas — and they are far better at doing so in English than I am in Spanish — but you may wait forever if you expect them to speak the language of suspicion. That language is a badge of cultural capital, cold comfort in a wildly unequal society. Meting out these badges of approval, whether with diplomas or social media likes or praise at a DEI workshop, strikes me as a deeply conservative impulse. Not a radical one at all. 

    Universities, nonetheless, commit to political “intervention.” But what constitutes politics? Twice in the last decade, I have been called upon to write a public statement — once in the wake of George Floyd’s death, once after shootings in massage spas in Atlanta — on behalf of my scholarly organizations. Like all fumbling writers, I sought models, and found curious deflections. After the shootings at the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh, the National Women’s Studies Association statement spent quite a lot of energy denouncing the shooter’s “toxic masculinity.” (I would have focused on the antisemitism.) I began declining invitations to write manifestoes, statements, polemics, and apologia. To my mind, it’s not my “job” to educate people outside the classroom because my job inside the classroom is an immersive and unstable one. To my fellow academics, it is apparently my “job” to educate you because my intersecting identities are so privileged; despite the institutional power that structure these exchanges, they demonstrate that my contingency — the condition that keeps me in a kind of outer darkness — matters not at all. That is to be expected: one can endlessly diversify the faculty with superstar hires and high-profile poaching from other institutions. These sound economic decisions can look like rituals of public cleansing. A university hiring one of its own adjuncts into a tenure line, by contrast, underscores that the market is not meritocratic. And while we hasten to acknowledge the privileges that followed us into the world, it is far more uncomfortable to acknowledge that we have succeeded in an oligarchy. 

    During years of shrinking salaries, of diminishing tenure lines, professional questions receded in favor of the “political,” such as it is. The Modern Language Association held a years-long reckoning on Boycott, Divest, and Sanction, while its role in hiring — its annual conference is a traditional site for first-round interviews for academic positions in English and Foreign Languages — remained a largely unmentioned source of its power. In 2022 the American Studies Association held its conference in New Orleans, circulating an advance call for papers warning that “the roof is on fire” thanks to rising waters on the coast, but nonetheless promised a party in the Crescent. The call arrived in my inbox on the day I negotiated with my insurance company — the previous one had gone bankrupt — for a new policy after the monstrous Hurricane Ida: a storm that cost my loved ones their homes, senses of security, and, in one case, a limb. People I loved were couch-surfing and breathing in mold as close as eight blocks away and as far away as Brooklyn. Suffice to say, I was in no mood to regard my roof as a metaphor. Contingent scholars poked and mocked and laughed at the call’s indifference to the “fire” on campus. The organization’s leadership offered a dismissive webcast in response. Those of us who joked on Twitter couldn’t possibly worry so much about contingency; surely we mentioned it to relieve us of the urgency of frank talk about race. We weren’t really mad about the proposal’s politics; we were annoyed by its use of black vernacular English, its borrowing of a song title from Rock Master Scott and the Dynamic Three. Our class politics were fake; we were “Neiman Marxists.” I am usually more decorous than this in print. But here, I say: all involved parties can go to hell.

    The politics of academia are a non-politics, a displacement of the power we have for focus on the power we lack, a refusal to intervene in the sphere in which we reside in favor of hopeless flailing at the borders of someone else’s, a performance of powerlessness that prefers the “systemic” for its abstractions and enormities. Adam Serwer’s memorable phrase — “the cruelty is the point” — became a progressive shibboleth about the shape of conservatism in the Complicity Era, but for well-heeled professors often the helplessness is the point. Why advocate for the staff when you can edit a well-placed journal issue on the Anthropocene (another radically misused term)? Why use the authority you have, when you can instead feel the flush of pleasure that comes from what Charles Dickens called “telescopic philanthropy?” We need not operate at the scale of a peer-reviewed article to understand this non-politics. Here is an example. At a protest I attended in late in the summer of 2020, pedestrians and cyclists filled the French Quarter. An organizer shouted instructions to the crowd, asking white allies to “discipline” an unwell homeless man who was shouting racial slurs; he caught a fist in the face from someone who evidently wanted a better world. Four people carried him out of the crowd, through an alley of cheers. And once the sound system was in place, once the crowd was attentive, once we were all masked (as requested by a roving street medic), a speaker offered a long disquisition on the harm done by maps that labeled Boricua with the name conferred by colonizers: Puerto Rico. This is to say, the crowd was corralled in order to learn more –— an admirable goal, if not the urgent one that motivated their presence — about something they could do very little to change, and that would not change with a single march or a thousand marches down Royal Street. The doctrinaire speechifying worked as well as tear gas. The crowd dispersed early. 

    From the megaphone, the organizers didn’t deploy the language of leadership or justice or of activism, but of expertise. Concepts creep out of academia and offer armor to justice entrepreneurs; the dazzling array of quasi-therapeutic DEI interventions requires a rhetorical suit of armor to convey legitimacy, to affect the professional “conspiracy against the laity” that is, in a way, the story of the twentieth century. They borrow the language of critical theory; sometimes it is a sort of ownership, since the deprivation of the Crisis Academy drove Ph.D.s into other precarious work sectors. (Here, I mention journalism and creative writing, if only because I’m writing prose in a context many scholars would consider wasted — because it is read, not because it is unread.) Other academics — displaced from traditional tenure lines and stable work lives — become entrepreneurs, offering workshops and consultancies that purport to teach critical theory as a second language to undergird activism. Think of critical theory as another field that attracts ambitious, disciplined, underpaid obsessives: yoga. The only reward for a successful yoga pose, a beloved teacher reminds me, is the next pose. The reward for understanding critical theory is not a changed name on the map; it is further thought and reflection in a culture that doesn’t make much time for that. Critics of the humanities tend to think we inject bad ideas into vulnerable minds, but I would say that we move empty linguistic signifiers into a powerfully ignorant culture. When I look at a list of the decade’s most recursive obsessions, I wish we read more Adorno, not less. Righteous speech modifications and a couple of lady superheroes at the megaplex? If this is justice, its vision is paltry. 

    The longer I teach, the more I believe that everyone teaches. An artist’s retreat teaches us how to work from fellow creators. A writing date demonstrates innovation around scheduling and organization. The chef teaches the line cook; clerks and nurses shadow one another. The pedagogical tradition of apprenticeship has receded, thanks to cutthroat capitalist competition. Met with talk of a graduate student union, university administrators told us that we would fail because United Auto Workers, Service Workers International Union, and Communication Workers of America did not understand that we were not really workers, just students. At the time, I took home fourteen thousand dollars a year to teach thirty students paying around forty thousand dollars in tuition. A senior professor assured me that I would one day know that tenure is the best union going. These days, it seems more like a cartel.

    I suspect, too, that the ideas that migrate from academia are the ones that have the most vulgar applications, the easiest interpretive strategy with the highest pay-off in political virtue. This is to say, they are the simple and generative concepts to teach and to learn. They require no response or struggle: only careful memorization. For some years, it was the concept of cultural appropriation — an assertion of culture as a unitary practice, a single arrow pointing between a “black” practice and the “white” creator who stole it to enrich himself. If one were really to preserve the complexity of culture, the arrows would look more like the Beijing transit map, but cultural appropriation clears the deck. The unrelievedly white Mississippian Elvis Presley stole “Hound Dog” from Big Mama Thornton, a black artist — but this simple account leaves out myriad stops on the route, not least the song’s actual composition by Jerry Lieber and Mike Stoller. But whatever you do, do not say it’s more complicated. Acknowledging that nothing benefits from simplification is, I hear, bad faith. Complicity, even.

    This isn’t “quit lit,” the surging genre of writing by people who have fled the contracting professions for which they were trained. I once admired, in a public way, the recovering scholar Andrew Kay’s essay “Pilgrim at Tinder Creek.” The essay contains a sideways confession of attraction for his feminist advisor and her waist-length pre-Raphaelite mane; it was the kind of comfortable desire that lingers near a four, because you might break the dial by advancing it to a ten. (I recommend such longing to any writers who are reading this: the libidinal energy improves your prose.) Two long-tenured academics chastised me for endorsing this minor hate crime. Kay’s essay demonstrated that the erotic life and the intellectual life might find some synthesis. How sexist! they howled. How aspirational! I thought. This dizziness is part of living in academia: you might struggle to manage your response as your scholarly body or faculty senate votes on a measure to curtail and condemn relationships with professional “power differentials.” The measure might even be proposed by a professor celebrating his silver anniversary with his former graduate student; and she might second the motion, if she is sitting in the room. (Never notice these conditions.) 

    Here, sex has a special status of offense, though it’s hard to imagine a more noxious power differential than two tenured scholars telling a contingent scholar not to declaim the difficulties of her labor conditions for fear of aggressing women — a category to which she belongs. An honest account of my career on the margins of academia will offend, in part because I never begin by enumerating my privileges, like the now-obligatory land acknowledgments. Contrary to the prevailing norms of speech in progressive spaces, I consider that absence a necessary disavowal. Exploitative structures encourage us to deny the deprivations of our experience; it is their legerdemain. Recollect the workplace mentoring offered by Langston, the character played by Danny Glover in Boots Riley’s film Sorry to Bother You. He tells a newly hired telemarketer how to succeed: “Read the script with a white voice… Sound like you don’t have a care. You got your bills paid, and you about ready to jump in your Ferrari…You never been fired. Only laid off. It’s not really a white voice. It’s what they wish they sound like. It’s what they think they’re supposed to sound like.” LaKeith Stanfield produces that privileged voice with an almost surreal brilliance. But from him or from me, that voice is sleight-of-hand, a smokescreen. I refuse that voice. And when I speak in this voice, it’s certainly not a right-wing argument to defund the beast of higher education. Nor is it a polemic in favor of independent thought; I often think Americans exonerate political incoherence by asserting independence. The nation boasts a continent-wide weed-loving, gun-wielding libertarian block party against a backdrop of absurd upward redistribution — measured not only in dollars, but in moral resources of “diverse” markets and platforms. That is not admirable independence; it is a refusal to diagnose the source of our troubles. As for me, I’m dependent — on state budgets, enrollments, and tuition dollars. Someone who loves me recently pointed out that I kept on saying “we” when I mean the university where I am employed. “Just say I,” he pleaded. (I am trying). And so I must resist the tendency to thank, with emotional identification and privilege disclaimers, the institutions that purport to shelter me from the deprivations of market labor. Academic life would certainly pain me less were it not full of people endorsing the institution as the last bulwark against the depravity of neoliberal America. That is, as Adolph Reed so often cautions, old-fashioned capitalism, a system that benefits from our tendency to call it something else: human nature, vectoralism, neoliberalism, patriarchy, racism. 

    In the difficult summer of 2020, academics weren’t simply fighting about the statues on campus and the names on dorms; they were also fibrillating with anxiety about whether campuses would be open come September. My own employer gave its faculty a handful of instructional choices — depending on our risk tolerance — with a decision deadline in mid-July. Three years later, in an informal poll I conducted this semester, my students admit that they know why they were invited back to campus before professors had decided on the “modality” in which we were teaching: money. State budgets determine my salary, but university coffers are filled by the rent that students pay for dorms and parking lots full of tailgaters. I was reluctant to condemn younger students to only two years of high school, considering how poorly served they are by the full four. I thought it loathsome to tout a “return to campus life” with only dorms and football, unleavened by classrooms and libraries. This may be someone’s dream for higher education, but it isn’t mine.

    A professional acquaintance told me that I sounded like a COVID denier for wanting to open the window more than a crack. It was a galling accusation, considering how many people I know had died of COVID — thanks to the size and fatality of the outbreak in New Orleans (my hometown) and the peculiar vulnerabilities of students in prisons and jails, where I sometimes teach. Indeed, I spent July 2020 collecting interviews — on Zoom and by letter — with incarcerated learners and their displaced teachers. Many prison teachers embraced risk; one philosophy professor, a Sister of St. Joseph and sometime volunteer a in prison hospice, professed a willingness to die to do the work. She assured me that she had lived long enough. Of course, I don’t expect anyone to die so that they can teach Appreciation of Literature to college sophomores. Nonetheless, I thought it strange that so many fellow faculty members spoke in ethical and moral terms about working in the humanities right up until it required significant sacrifice. Lives lived with so little risk enable fantasies of zero risk. So I told my angry interlocutor that I was no COVID denier, and that I knew more people who’d died than she had, and that I expected an apology. “This is no time for people who fundamentally agree to scrap with each other,” she responded. “So I officially apologize.” But we didn’t agree. Surely that fact required attention if the dispute was to come to a satisfactory conclusion. 

    A bit more memoir, if you’ll permit me. Ten years ago I ended the second chapter of academic life; after graduate school, you move through postdoctoral and new faculty fellowships in which your job is to find a permanent job. I had gone to my dissertation defense with a book contract, but I had finished my Ph.D. in 2009 in the ravine of the economic crash. That December, I had second-round interview requests at one of the Ivies, the nearest community college, and a dozen other institutions, with varying missions and histories. By spring, all the tenure lines were disappearing, even at the most elite institutions, but I nonetheless moved to the best fellowship in the humanities. Afterwards I struggled for five years — through drug and alcohol addiction, through atomized labor in workplaces where no one needed to know me, and through the painful and persistent sense of “mourning in advance.” The fellowship had put me back in New Orleans, whereas the hypothetical future job would unroot me. So each Mardi Gras felt like the last Mardi Gras; each bike ride through the city’s echoing streets (the sound of Tipitina’s dying behind me, the bells of St. Louis ahead) felt like goodbye. These conditions accelerate the fires of addiction. When family and friends began dying, I could not discern the difference between the first and second dropping shoe. Six months out from the suicide of someone close to me, I had a campus visit in which the hiring chair nodded placidly when we were alone together over breakfast. “You don’t seem litigious,” she said. “So I’ll tell you frankly why you’re not getting this job.” Then she sent me upstairs in the bed and breakfast to write a ten-point refutation to her colleagues’ arguments about my limitations. By this time, I had wasted two days in the room they paid for thinking I might succeed, and a week before writing a lecture to dazzle them. (It’s haunting: I remember every word and every sound. I remember even the wallpaper in the Fayetteville, Arkansas breakfast room where she said it.) That was the last tenure-eligible prospect of the year. When I got the final rejection email, it arrived at the inconvenient moment when my partner was working to drive a possum out of the back of our antebellum shotgun house in New Orleans. The poor marsupial protested the shove of the broom near her nest; I mistook her voice for my scream. 

    A week later, a feminist lion at my fellowship institution invited me to an emergency mentoring lunch at the 1834 Club: its name an aesthetic offense, its cuisine a culinary crime in America’s most decadent food city. She wasn’t my boss — my “chair,” for the uninitiated. She was the head of another department, one that might hire me should she decide to fight for it. She told me frankly that I wasn’t applying for enough jobs, that I thought places like Franklin and Marshall weren’t good enough for me. (After ten years of giving junior colleges and Ivies the same measure of attention). The real problem was that I thought my fellowship institution owed me a job. Under any economic system, I told her, if you do the work, your workplace owes you the money. But she insisted that I had a lot to be grateful for. There are plenty of Ph.D.s out there who could take my place; we endlessly conceal the crisis even at elite institutions by calling the revolving door of adjuncts fellows and post-docs. Finally, I told her that the market year had been shot through with pain: a beloved relative, dead at thirty-three; my partner’s father, dead at sixty-seven. One day, she instructed me, you will realize that you’ve spent every moment of your life in crisis, so the latest crisis offers no explanation for our moods or our conditions. As for my job in the coming year? Well, I can’t run a women’s institute like I’d run my feminist utopia. You don’t know how tough it is to be a woman in power. I have ever only heard that chestnut about the difficulty of sustaining women’s power from a woman who was hoarding the power I sought….so, indeed, I couldn’t imagine. They ensure that I can never imagine.

    Yet I haven’t left academia, because it doesn’t seem to do one any good to leave a job when precarious and underpaid labor exists in the wider world in abundance. I like my job, which is stable if not tenure-eligible. The sacred vocations of learning and teaching remain within these walls, though not exclusively. When I work in prison, I meet people serving multiple life sentences teaching each other to read; I mention them in deference to their superior pedagogy. When my intellectual work is functional, it offers me trickier, tougher reading practices than the concept creeps have brought outside its walls. Challenges, even. I still attend my professional conferences; this year they offered me the distinct pleasure of running into an old friend on the sidewalk in San Francisco. Humanities jobs are hard to come by, so you are likely to find your graduate school cohort scattered to the winds. There is misery in that, but pleasure too, in that you often have a couch to sleep on or a bed to share when you are traveling. 

    I had not seen my friend in a decade, then ran into him twice in a year — that curious and recursive sign from the universe — first at a classmates’ wedding and then at a conference. Neither of us went to graduate school to think about small questions, so we clogged foot traffic on the sidewalk of Market Street talking about Death. Between June and January, a former professor of ours had died of kidney cancer. At the wedding in June, an eavesdropping stranger said we really ought not to slip away for a cigarette and death-talk on this night of a celebration of marriage. What she failed to realize is that one could do worse than to talk death over a plate of food at a wedding in New Jersey; one could scarcely do better than to actually die over a plate of food at a wedding in New Jersey. In June, we decided there were some cancers for which you need not get chemo; just read your books, hold your lovers, and say goodbye. In January, we returned to the comfortable subject: the death put him in mind of lines from Philip Larkin’s “The Old Fools”: “why aren’t they screaming?” It reminded me of Larkin’s “The Mower”: “we should be careful / of each other, we should be kind / while there is still time.” The advice means infinitely more when caution and compassion come to you with effort — not a first, second, or even third nature, as it wasn’t for Larkin. (Or for me. It is aspirational). My friend and I are just a fraction over forty, so two dead poets teach us how to lose. Our lives in the crisis academy sowed the ground for those lessons.

    If you hate these words, I hope you hate what we said, rather than what you suspect we would really like to have said; I do not speak for my friend and call that generosity. I suppose what I offer to him, what he offered me, what we both offer our students, and what I now offer you, is some version of the old saw that the personal is political. The Complicity Era tarries with cliché, but it perfectly inverts that one, and not to our benefit. The political, in this era, is personal: a site of petty squabbles and score-settling, of inertia and nastiness and contraction. But the practice of thinking readies you for expansion — for more thinking — and so there is still time. Only that. 

    In The Counterlife of Autism

    “Tomorrow’s Child,” a story by Ray Bradbury, opens with Peter and Polly Horn traveling to a hospital for the birth of their first child. In their technological utopia, a helicopter conveys them across a sky spangled with rocket ships. An advanced birthing machine awaits, promising to eliminate Polly’s labor. At the moment of truth, however, the hospital’s machine malfunctions. She has delivered a healthy male infant. He weighs seven pounds, eight ounces, and sports a normal nervous system. There’s just one problem: the boy has been delivered into the fourth dimension. From outside the three-dimensional structure of human perception, he appears in the shape of a tiny blue pyramid, with three darting eyes and six wriggling limbs. The obstetrician says that the boy himself apprehends the phenomenal world around him cubically.

    The Horns name their discarnate issue Py and take him home. But the existential limbo fills them with anguish and repulses their friends and neighbors. Desperate from isolation, Peter and Polly return to the hospital intending to abandon Py to medical science. The obstetrician surprises them once more. He hasn’t figured out how to retrieve Py, but reverse-engineering the birthing machine could place them in the fourth dimension with him. They could perceive him as he really is. The price, of course, would be their own geometrical transfiguration. Peter would take the shape of a hexagon. Polly would look oblong. With heavy hearts they assent to the bargain, trading expulsion from membership in the human community for the joy of sharing in their child’s perception of reality.

    For parents and children wrestling with neurodevelopmental conditions today, Bradbury’s allegory has lost none of its poignancy. Autism, my son Misha’s primary diagnosis, constitutes “a whole mode of being” and “touches on the deepest questions of ontology,” as the neurologist Oliver Sacks wrote in 1995. If this is so, then the question is how people like Misha perceive the fundamental entities and properties of reality. “The ultimate understanding of autism may demand both technical advances and conceptual ones beyond anything we can now dream of,” Sacks wrote. He urged neurologists to limit the boundaries of “radical ontology” by shucking off their habits of detachment and accompanying their subjects in society. “If we hope to understand the autistic individual,” he contended, “nothing less than a total biography will do.” 

    Thirty years later, one in every thirty-six children receive the diagnosis. Neurologists still confine their perception to the bell jars of the consulting room, while autism advocates promote “neurodiversity.” No advances, conceptual or technical, have struck up a symmetry between medical understanding and social belonging. “Tomorrow’s Child” today subsists in a permanent realm of uncertainty.

    [INSIGNIA]Misha is now eleven and lives with his sister and me in the very progressive city of Cambridge, Massachusetts. In photographs, his aspect betrays no abominations. He passes for any normal child his age (although, in my estimation, he’s handsomer than most). Tall and lithe, his hazel eyes are hooded by long lashes and framed by an oval visage. What his eyes perceive is anybody’s guess. His acuity rates 20/20. The signals that his brain gives to his ocular muscles, however, could be showing him a kaleidoscope everywhere he looks. He doesn’t say, as he has never uttered more than a handful of verbal approximations. Nor does he seem to reliably process speech directed to him.

     

    “What’s your name?”

    “Me.”

    “Can you say, ‘Misha’?”

    “Mi-ta.”

    “Excellent. How old are you?”

    “Misha, are you eleven?”

    “T.”

    “Where you do live?”

    “Misha, who am I?”

    “D.”     

    “Very good. What is your sister’s name?” 

    “Do you have a sister?”

    “Misha, can you say the name of your sister, Niusha?”

    “Yah-yah.”

    His body is bandy, strung together by a physiology that mismeasures stimuli from his environment. A meek style of movement during his infancy suggested that he was never in possession of his body. Crawling in the yard, he trembled before a quarter-inch decline from the sidewalk to the grass. He hung his head over the side of his stroller in the neighborhood and fixed his gaze on the spinning spokes. Arriving at playgrounds, he refused to dismount. He didn’t stand up until his eighteenth month, and then he toddled on his toes. He clung to the inner edges of sidewalks and dragged his palm across the streetscape, refashioning walls, doors, and fences into an extended guardrail. 

    A neurologist diagnosed Misha with autism at the age of four. Additional diagnoses piled up over the next years: mixed expressive-receptive speech disorder; sensory processing disorder; cerebral vision impairment. Of causes and treatments, his specialists have never developed so much as a working hypothesis. Molecular sequencing has revealed two genetic mutations, neither previously reported. “Your son,” his geneticist avowed, “is on the far edge of science.”

    Misha is both profoundly disabled and benignly different. He doesn’t appear sick. He doesn’t appear well, either. The antinomies of his social being discharge their tension in a stigma that emerges during unrehearsed appearances in our community. He blisters the air with shrieks and squeals, huffing and hissing, pealing with laughter out of nowhere. A sublinguistic rhapsody, unclassifiable as well as unignorable, sets the soundtrack: “We-we-we-we-we-we-we”; “me-me-me-me-me-me-me”; “uh uh uh uh uh uh uh.” The signals that draw his stigma are both embodied and undecodable.

    I am resolved not to hide away Misha’s fugitive aspects. Only through contact with his given environment can he make a safe home for himself. Isolation within his sensorium would cause the anxiety that he bears on a good day to expand into a total loss of trust in his own being. “Loneliness,” as Hannah Arendt once observed, constitutes “the experience of not belonging to the world at all, which is among the most radical and desperate experiences of man.” 

    In a city of heavy objects constantly in motion, Misha exhibits no capacity for self-preservation. We were crossing Beacon Street in Inman Square one weekday afternoon. He flew to the passenger door of a car as it slowed before the yellow of the traffic light. He tugged on his door handle. The forward motion of the car jerked his arm. Another day, on a different corner, a man puffed a pipe. A breeze tossed the smoke. Misha chased the billows into the street. A car skidded to a stop a dozen feet in front of him.

    At age seven, he made a half-hearted attempt to leave home unannounced, unlocking and unchaining the front door. I purchased an identification bracelet, a tracking device, and a harness. He sloughed off the device and chewed through the bracelet. I couldn’t bear to tether him to the harness. A police officer came to take his photograph and copy out his vital statistics, lest I should lose him. 

    When I want him to stay close, he wanders away. When I want him to depart, he stays put. He stopped once in the middle of a crosswalk in Harvard Square. My nudge in the small of his back restarted his body. He screamed and yanked down his pants. Inside a grocery store on another occasion, he took our cart on a wide ride that ended with him knocking over a stack of soup cans and losing his grip on a carton of produce. A shopper tripped over the cans. She shot me a dirty look as she picked blueberries off the bottoms of her shoes.

    On our strolls, he runs his fingers through hedgerows and drops shrubs in his wake. He flips open gas tank doors on rows of parked cars. He runs into the foyers of apartment buildings, presses all the buttons on the elevators, and scampers away with a chortle. In the bathrooms of neighborhood restaurants, he conducts boffo symphonies. He turns off the lights and triggers the automatic hand dryers while men fart and tinkle in their pits. In the local mall, he feels up mannequins and hooks his thumb to jewelry stands, toppling bracelets, rings, and necklaces. In the checkout line of department stores, he thrusts himself upon shoppers queued behind us and tries to untie their shoelaces. He fixates on such interaction rituals for months at a time. If you sneezed near him in the autumn of his eighth year, he instantly grabbed your hair. 

    Some encounters have been less than amusing. At the library once, he tugged on a thin and grayed ponytail that turned out to be attached to an elderly woman bound to a wheelchair. Her neck bent backward like a PEZ dispenser. I knew he didn’t intend to hurt her. That doesn’t mean she wasn’t hurt. I apologized for his particular offense. But I never apologize for the kind of person Misha is.

    What kind of person is he? A more recognizable phenotype — Down Syndrome, for example — would provide an easement for strangers in the path of his sensibility. A disability such as blindness would afford strangers a tacit medical context for tolerable inferences. The five senses reflect anatomically in our noses, ears, eyes, skins, and tongues, but it turns out that we have two more senses hidden from view. The vestibular sense, attaching to inner ear fibers, registers our internal balance during movement. The proprioceptive sense, registering external stimuli, provides us with assurance of our body’s position in space. These secret senses flow unconsciously through receptors in our muscles, tendons, and joints, making adjustments to the rhyme and reason of the body’s ego. “If there is defective or distorted sensation in our overlooked secret senses,” Sacks pointed out, “what we then experience is profoundly strange, an almost incommunicable equivalent to being blind or being deaf.”

    What part of Misha’s lack of poise is compensation for his scrambled secret senses? What part is clowning? As he doesn’t speak, so he doesn’t convey his perception of the reality of his body. Voluble rather than verbal, he vibrates sounds from the back of his teeth and throat without modulating his volume — probably because he cannot feel his phonatory organs without increasing vocal pressure. Maybe I have to remind him to swing his leg before striking a soccer ball because when his leg retracts, he cannot be sure that it remains attached to his trunk. Slips of time seem to lodge in his perceptual memory. We dropped by our neighborhood coffee shop. When we walked in the previous week, he sidled up to a jug of water on the countertop, drew a cup, and wet his whistle. On this occasion, the jug had been replaced on the countertop by a napkin dispenser. Yet Misha took an empty cup in hand and repeatedly pressed it against the dispenser, expecting water. He gazed upward at me quizzically.

    In a surreal world, he moves as if inhabiting a waking dream. One November we visited a friend’s home in seaside Hull for a birthday party. We ducked out a side door and stepped onto the cold sands. The ocean’s waves roared in a stiff crosswind. This was no day for beachcombing. Back inside, slinking away from partygoers, Misha led me up a spiral staircase. The passageway was enclosed and carpeted. Even so, it disoriented him. Reaching the landing on all fours, he peeked at the ocean through the windows. He froze with fear, as if the house were a sandcastle bound to be sucked into a violent Massachusetts Bay at any moment.

    At house parties and barbeques, Misha ensconces himself inside bathrooms for eternities. He rifles through bedroom closets, tampers with toys, strikes discordant piano chords, and swipes and swills beverages. I incant a mantra to guide me through. Patience on top of patience. But we are not ideal guests. During lunch at a prospective friend’s home, Misha bellied-up to her kitchen table and stuffed his mouth with cheese, grapes, and crackers. Twice he fell off his stool and tumbled to the floor. Setting down his glass cup, he misjudged the edge of the countertop. The cup smashed to pieces on the floor. We were never invited to return.

    Public spaces are freer of turbulence. I escort Misha to the Frog Pond at Boston Common in the summer and to Fenway Park in the spring. He loves a neighborhood block party as much as the next boy. Holidays I am determined to celebrate, even as he remakes their rituals. One Halloween, costumed as Mr. Incredible, he blew out the candles in every doorstep pumpkin he could reach. Invited to share a traditional Thanksgiving dinner in Somerville, we sat down with friends for turkey, stuffing, mashed potatoes, and gravy. Misha got up on his haunches and leaned toward the candles. Huffing a wet breath, he extinguished them with gusto. Wax spattered across the turkey. Then he unplugged the chandelier and stopped me from relighting it. My feeble attempt at humor failed to bestir the table to solidarity. What’s a little wax in our bird? Thanksgiving had been dipped in the shadows of the counterlife.

    On vacation at the Jersey Shore, the roar of the crashing waves, the commotion of the boardwalk buskers, and the cawing of the seagulls replaced the city’s frenzy of buses, leaf blowers, and fire trucks. Misha adored the carnival atmosphere of the beach. As the ocean waves petered out toward his ankles, he jumped half too low and a beat too soon. Strolling past the encampments of the sunbathers, he trampled their sandcastles. The haunted houses on the boardwalk wasted their spooks on him. A ride that lifted him to a modest height caused his palms to sweat. But he mounted the Merry-Go-Round’s carousel of plaster steeds with the aplomb of a little Lord Byron. After, he romped through pinball, air hockey, and skee-ball, none the worse for defaulting at each station, and got his kicks by reaching behind the arcade games that others played and unplugging their machines.

    “He’s the king,” his sister Niusha once quipped about the retinue of attention that Misha receives at home. With hilariously exaggerated deference, she bowed before “His Majesty” on the domestic pedestal. Our parlays in public bewildered her. “He’s invisible,” she said, “it’s like he’s not here.” He is, and he is not. When Niusha was nine, and her brother was six, she sat with me for an interview about autism on a program broadcast by Cambridge Community Television. “Maybe when you go into a restaurant, people look at you funny or try to avoid looking at you,” the interviewer rightly observed. Niusha, chiming in, recalled an incident that had recently taken place in a luncheonette in Porter Square. Seconds after I had left our booth to fetch our drinks, Misha had climbed atop the table and swatted the pendant lights hanging from the ceiling. No harm, no foul. From a booth adjacent, however, a shriek of fear had rung out as if the end times were nigh. A manager quickened to the scene and waved a finger of reproach in Misha’s direction. 

    “What do you want us to know about people like your brother?” the interviewer asked Niusha. “I want people to know not to be embarrassed by them,” she replied, “not to keep them into hiding. I want them to be out in the open, actually, and trying to make the world a better difference, because people might not know that they have a lot more intelligence than people think, and they should be more appreciated because of that. They should be more noticed. And I bet they would like that, of course.” I bet they would. The question is how people would perceive them. 

    Autism is experienced cognitively and felt existentially, but it is diagnosed and treated behaviorally—from the outside in, as it were. In the luncheonette no less than in the neurologist’s consulting room, how you behave is who you are supposed to be. But the prevailing concept of the self as an information processor, its integrity revealed in problem-solving or pattern-seeking, shuts out feeling and judgment. Science dismembers persons into discrete domains and reduces their parts to functional values. Society rigs up a phenomenology restricted to observable surfaces.

    No such system of reasoning can understand the web of memories, conjectures, and perceptions that human agents bring to their appreciation of particular situations. “What we call creativity is a characteristic that yields not merely something new or unlikely but something new that strikes us as meaningful and interesting,” Bernard Williams observes in Making Sense of Humanity, “and what makes it meaningful and interesting to us can lie in an indeterminately wide range of associations and connections built up in our existence, most of them unconscious. The associations are associations for us: the creative idea must strike a bell that we can hear.” Only the inner spaciousness furnished by art, literature, and history, Williams suggests, can overhear the chiming of certain bells.

    Misha, so understood, is that rarest of creatures: a genuine individual. Improbable, inexplicable, and unimpeachable, he alights on the world like Peter Pan, betwixt and between, terrified and beguiled. When his eyebrows shoot up, I glimpse his curiosity radiating through his miasma of sensations. His blissed-out states sparkle with novelty. Once, amid a rainstorm outside the entrance to a grocery store, he stood spellbound before the opening and closing of the pneumatic electric doors. Their metronomic cadence was to him a pair of hands clapping for his private joke. He giggled uncontrollably. The shoppers had little patience for his attempts to choreograph their comings and goings. Amused and sodden, I obeyed Nabokov’s injunction: “I appeal to parents, never, never say ‘Hurry up,’ to a child.” 

    Sometimes, parents approach me with overtures of sympathy. They believe that they may have a cousin or a nephew of Misha’s dispensation. “But how did you know?” I returned one such parent’s inquiry. She had plopped down next to me on a playground bench to chat about the wrongness tainting my son. “Oh, I could tell right away,” she answered brightly. “I can’t imagine,” she continued through a benevolent sigh. “I don’t know how you do it.” Her remark felt impertinent, as if his stigma had reassured her. There but for the grace of the genetic lottery… A rejoinder arched across my mind: Well, I don’t know how you do it, managing the banality of raising your carbon-copied child.

    Cambridge, of course, is fully subscribed to the attitude of “neurodiversity.” Every April, the progressive potentates gather on the steps of city hall and celebrate “autism awareness.” Ceremonies of awareness have yielded a quotient of indulgence. No mishap or misdemeanor has damaged relations that I haven’t been able to repair with a nod, an apology, or a scowl. Strangers may startle or fluster. They swallow their grievance upon letting their eyes stray over his countenance. In this age of umbrage, I am grateful to avoid open conflict. But familiarity doesn’t reduce contempt. Our community steers clear precisely because it is aware of people like him. 

    This paradox accompanied the birth of neurodiversity discourse. A young Australian sociologist, Judy Singer, coined the term in 1998 to denote a new category of personal identity alongside “the familiar political categories of class/gender/race.” Singer invested her coinage with sweeping ideological ambition. “The rise of Neurodiversity takes postmodern fragmentation one step further,” she wrote. “Just as the postmodern era sees every once-too-solid belief melt into air, our most taken-for-granted assumptions—that we all, more or less, see, feel, touch, hear, smell, and sort information in more or less the same way—are being dissolved.” A freelance writer named Harvey Blume gave “neurodiversity” currency among journalists with an article in The Atlantic that same year. A couple of best-selling books, Andrew Solomon’s Far from the Tree: Parents, Children, and the Search for Identity, in 2012, and Steve Silberman’s NeuroTribes: The Legacy of Autism and the Future of Neurodiversity, in 2015, clinched the case. A cliché was born.  

    Neurodiversity discourse is now ubiquitous. It takes protean forms — a meme, a critique, an ideal type, a virtue signal, a paradigm for restructuring autism research. The discourse in all its permutations identifies symptoms that science and society have deemed pathological and redescribes them as coping tactics or benign differences unworthy of invidious distinction. In this respect, neurodiversity discourse might be understood as an effort to do away with stigma, a concept traditionally rooted in shame over the body’s finitude.  Yet the leveling impulse that motivates neurodiversity’s loudest champions does not abolish stigma so much as remove it to the plane of language and throw it in the face of social institutions. Major institutions in the economy, government, and entertainment, on guard against accusations of insensitivity, have responded by editing marketing language and instrumentalizing neurodiverse forms of creativity in hiring practices. The Central Intelligence Agency, to cite one of the nation’s newly enlightened employers, is hip to the competitive advantages offered by neurodiverse job candidates.

    In the institution of the family, the gravamen of the indictment hits home. The claim that neurodiversity denotes a personal identity, one that is rooted in ontological sovereignty, invites its unelected representatives to intervene with parents on behalf of their children. When, as in my case, a neurodiverse child is born to a parent labeled “neuro-typical,” the dialectic of love and authority is automatically held to be adulterated. I, too, am cast betwixt and between prescribed social parameters. “Inside us there is something that has no name,” José Saramago wrote in Blindness, “that something is what we are.” That something is what this society cannot let be.

    So far, neurodiversity (and its slightly more opinionated cousin, neurodivergence) has followed the path of vanguard movements organized around abstract and categorical postulates of identity. As an expression of cultural radicalism, neurodiversity perpetuates the assault on the conventional family. As an ideology, it reaffirms the assumption that freedom lies in incommensurable acts of appropriation and consumption. As social criticism, it hardens the community’s distinction between them and us. And as a politics, it leaves the distributions of power undisturbed. 

    Every other autumn, candidates seeking election to Cambridge’s school committee or city council knock on my front door and make their pitches. I explain why I am a single-issue municipal voter. I ask for their disability policy initiatives. My question invariably takes them by surprise. I haven’t met one who has given such policy any forethought. But as they stammer over substance, they always carefully rephrase my description of my own son as “neurodiverse” or “differently abled.” I wouldn’t care, if the politicians of identity would actually do something. 

    The biggest social crisis of recent years let the hot air out of such lip-service. Covid-19 came. The mayor of Cambridge issued emergency communiques every day. She sought to reassure the “most vulnerable” members of the community by naming them in successive numbers — veterans, elderly, “unhoused people,” “undocumented people,” “people who are transgender and gender non-conforming,” and “people of color.” Two months into the city’s pandemic response, the mayor still ignored people like Misha. I wrote to insist on my son’s existence. She pledged to “do better.”

    The lockdown did all the work we needed. For years I had worried about testing our community’s elasticity. Now our community itself quarantined. I had always winced as our neighbors kept a wary distance from us. Now they stayed six feet away from one another. I had fought off dread of the future. Now everyone felt encumbered by an emergency without end. As social friction thinned, we slipped out of the liminal state all together.

    One memorable day — July 13, 2020, to be exact — we dipped into the city’s public swimming pool. A facility with a capacity for a hundred entertained a dozen swimmers this day. Misha tap-danced toward the deep end. He was bolder than I had ever seen him in the water. He drew a breath, semi-sealed his lips, and dunked himself for the first time. A fit of spontaneity propelled him from one side of the pool to the other. He was teaching himself how to swim, repossessing his corporeal identity in the water’s pressure. As he clawed toward me, grinning ear to ear, I thought of Wordsworth savoring 

    that serene and blessed mood

    In which the burden of the mystery,

    In which the heavy and the weary weight

    Of all this unintelligible world,

    Is lightened.

    That October, however, an indiscretion put us back in our place. On a Saturday afternoon at Riverside Park in Cambridge, families of diverse ages, genders, and colors were tossing frisbees, listening to music, riding bicycles, and sunbathing. Misha frolicked on a spray deck, flapping and squealing, as happy as his happy can be. I sat with Niusha on a bench nearby. We were admiring the pontoon boats and kayaks afloat on the Charles River when suddenly a woman staggered into our picture and began rubbernecking at Misha. By her ruddy appearance and her haphazard gait, she looked to be one of the “unhoused people.” Suddenly she let loose a bark about “your retaaarded son.”

    “We’re not leaving,” I whispered to Niusha. “She’s drunk. She’s not driving us away.” Seconds later, the woman captured the attention of the park when she repeated the epithet at the top of her lungs. We turned the other cheek and headed home. 

    That evening, Niusha sobbed with shame. I couldn’t find words to console her. Sitting on the edge of her bed, I stroked her hair and wiped away her tears in silence. My imagination drifted to the predicament of Peter and Polly Horn. I remember thinking that I would make the same choice in a heartbeat.

    Can Poetry Be Abstract?

    No Coward Soul Is Mine

     

    No coward soul is mine

    No trembler in the world’s storm-troubled sphere

    I see Heaven’s glories shine

    And Faith shines equal arming me from Fear

     

    O God within my breast

    Almighty ever-present Deity

    Life, that in me hast rest

    As I Undying Life, have power in thee

     

    Vain are the thousand creeds

    That move men’s hearts, unutterably vain,

    Worthless as withered weeds

    Or idlest froth amid the boundless main

     

    To waken doubt in one

    Holding so fast by thy infinity                                                                                   

    So surely anchored on

    The steadfast rock of Immortality

                                                                                                          

    With wide-embracing love

    Thy spirit animates eternal years

    Pervades and broods above,

    Changes, sustains, dissolves, creates and rears

     

    Though Earth and moon were gone

    And suns and universes ceased to be

    And thou wert left alone

    Every Existence would exist in thee

     

    There is not room for Death

    Nor atom that his might could render void

    Since thou art Being and Breath

    And what thou art may never be destroyed

                  

    Emily Jane Brontë, who died in 1848 at the age of thirty, left this poem in a largely unpunctuated manuscript. It was not included, by her own decision, in the first printing of some of her poems in 1846, but it was added posthumously, under the non-authorial title “Last Lines,” to the second edition of 1850, conventionally punctuated and revised by her sister Charlotte. Brontë’s modern editor, Janet Gezari, reproduced Charlotte’s version in 1992 in an appendix to her Emily Brontë: The Complete Poems, but has in the body of her edition removed Charlotte’s additions, printing only the manuscript. I reproduce the manuscript version.

    Emily Dickinson, a few months before she died in 1886, wishing to forbid a church funeral, left instructions for a home funeral in which she stipulated that a single poem by Emily Brontë, “Last Lines,” should be read aloud by her friend Thomas Wentworth Higginson, the editor of The Atlantic Monthly. Dickinson, reading the lines in 1850, considered them as Brontë’s deathbed manifesto, and adopted them as her own final declaration of creedless faith. A certain Mrs. Jamison, who attended the funeral, recorded the fact that Higginson, prefacing his reading of “Last Lines” and of the scriptural passage that Dickinson had also stipulated to be read aloud (1 Corinthians 15:53, on immortality: “For this corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality”), remarked that Emily Dickinson had now put on immortality, but she had really never seemed to have put it off. I became interested in Brontë’s poem when I first read about Dickinson’s funeral: I wanted to understand why, out of the hundreds of poems known to Dickinson, she had chosen this one as a vicarious final utterance of her own. 

    “No coward soul is mine” has been “much commented on,” according to Janet Gezari, but although critics have repeatedly tried to distill it into one creed or another ascribable to Brontë — whose very aim was to escape such fixed categories — no consensus has been attained. “No coward soul is mine” is in part vividly definite, but it is also sufficiently abstract to defy common conventions of Christian lyric such as the inclusion of elements of Jesus’ life and sayings, allusions to church feasts and rituals, and credal affirmation of an afterlife. The most vigorous lines of Brontë’s poem are those insisting on the entirely interior nature of human faith: “Vain are the creeds of men, unutterably vain.” Brontë’s “vain” is alluding not to vainglory but to the opening verse of Ecclesiastes: “Vanity of vanities, saith the Preacher, vanity of vanities; all is vanity.” The Hebrew word translated into English as “vanity” is hevel, and hevel (the commentaries tell us) is one of the several Hebrew words for “air,” or “wind,” but is most often used negatively to mean “fleeting,” “transitory,” “futile.” Brontë is speaking as a deeply literate nineteenth-century reader, well aware (from the pre-Darwinian geological proof of evolution) of the successive and transitory creeds of all religions historically recorded.

    For Brontë, Christianity — the only “creed” that she knows well — must stand in for all other creeds and their myths of a divinity both creative and inspiring; and Brontë must invent her own version of the sublime phenomenon of unbidden human inspiration. She does it most conspicuously in this poem. It must be remembered that Brontë was the daughter of a learned priest of the English church, an Oxford graduate in classics, himself a poet, whose children were raised as Christian believers, and who all (except Emily) taught in his Sunday school. Brontë’s poetic duty in denying the truth of “creeds” is to strip the Christian God of every sustainable predicate. Theologians had asserted at least since Aquinas, following Maimonides, that no positive qualities could be predicated of God, owing to the limitations of language: He (always male) could be characterized only negatively, as one who was not subject to death, not affected by time, not vulnerable to suffering. This affirmation became known as apophatic theology. God was im-mortal, e-ternal, im-passible.

    Brontë’s own “Deity” is an internal one, replacing the external and mythological God of the creeds and taking on an ever-present existence within herself, to be interpreted only by herself. The relation between self and deity, as Brontë formulates it, is a perfect and cunningly phrased closed circuit of reciprocity. Addressing her Deity as a lower-case “thou” to her “I,” Brontë poises their relation as one of mutually acknowledged parallel acts of repose and empowerment as she addresses her deity: “Life that in me hast rest, /as I, Undying Life have power in thee.” Her Deity, a capitalized “Undying Life,” accepts a physical repose within herself as she exists in its Life, receiving power as she participates in its immortal “Undying” metaphysical existence.

    This deity is neither anthropomorphized nor given gender; it displays no external acts such as Adamic creation and is embodied in no human figure such as Jesus. It is a presence, not a person, and its sole activity is its never-lapsing “wide-embracing love.” This unconfined love, Brontë writes, shines as powerfully as “Heaven’s glories” shine. The use of the identical verb “shine” for both nouns establishes the identity of past Christian myth — the capitalized “Heaven’s glories” — and Brontë’s internal inspiration, the wide-embracing love. This love is neither eros nor agape, but rather an intuited third possibility: a love that within the visionary seer temporarily annihilates historical time and replaces it with Eternity. The poet’s own conviction is fiercely declared: she surveys all doctrinal codifications only to scorn them. Vain are “the creeds of men.” Since Christianity, the only religion known to her, is credal (from the Latin Credo, “I believe”), Brontë, with one wipe of the sponge, erases all such doctrines, and dares to propose that the intermittently self-revealing “God within [her] breast” differs from any religious figure, such as Jesus, who enacts a fixed identity within a fictional narrative.

    Brontë’s God here is not a trinity. It at first occupies one half of a duality of absence and presence: her ordinary self has access to her Deity only when she is unexpectedly and involuntarily admitted to a presence suffusing her with indwelling inspiration. Only then is she able to address her “thou.” Instead of projecting her inspiration outwardly on an allegorical figure such as the Muse, Brontë strikingly makes inspiration indistinguishable from her own physical Being and bodily Breath. She realizes that, in the disbelief of the mid-nineteenth century, a new “rational” and sober manner of addressing the divine must reject Christian elements elaborated in sacraments and rituals. A mention of Jesus? The birth at Bethlehem? The Passion? Holy Communion? No.

    We can better understand the poetic paradox of a “spiritual” rhetoric uninhabited by religious images and narratives by remembering one of Emily Dickinson’s more acerbic remarks about God. Writing to Higginson about her family as she listens to their daily morning family prayers full of unverifiable language, she explains: “They are religious – except me – and address an Eclipse, every morning – whom they call their ‘Father.'” How could a poet address an eclipse?

    As usual, Dickinson sees the conceptual problem as one of language: given the erasure by the eclipse of all information concerning light articulated in Hebrew or Christian diction, from “Let there be light” (Genesis 1:3) to Jesus’ saying “I am the light of the world” (John 8:12), what words would the poet be able to use? Deprived of light, life is merely an eventual Eclipse of ourselves. In 1863, in her poem “We dream – it is good we are dreaming,” Life is a malevolent executioner hunting its prey: “[Life] is playing – kill us, / and we are playing – shriek -.” Dickinson is macabre, whereas Brontë is ecstatic, but the problem of the articulation of the human sublime — what will be its diction and its tonality? — is common to both poets. In 1864, a year after “playing shriek,” Dickinson exposes nakedly her own version of the death of God:

    Truth – is as old as God –

    His Twin identity

    And will endure as long as He

    A co-Eternity –

     

    And perish on the Day

    Himself is borne away

    From Mansion of the Universe

    A lifeless Deity.

      

    Like Brontë, by whose strategies she was doubtless inspired, Dickinson thought long and hard about retaining enough sacred reference to make clear that she was engaged in stripping the Christian God of all supernatural credibility. Dickinson capitalizes, here, the “sacred” word “Mansion,” to reveal her allusion to the Christian belief in an afterlife. She is quoting Jesus’ promise as he bids farewell to his apostles: “In my father’s house are many mansions; if it were not so, I would have told you” (John 14:2). Yet how are the poets to retain a devotional tone while deleting from it any overt reference to theology, ritual, and religious narrative? How is the object of worship to be made convincingly abstract and yet able to install reverence by its (hidden) Christian allusions and a tone of veneration?

     

    Emily Brontë, born in 1818, was older by only twelve years than Dickinson, but she and her sisters Charlotte and Anne, who had jointly published under three pseudonyms in1846, were known to Dickinson. In 1860, five years after the last of the sisters, Charlotte Brontë (“Currer Bell”), died, Dickinson elegized her as a singing Nightingale now caged in its grave, presenting her as a poet rather than as a novelist:

    All overgrown by cunning moss,

    All interspersed with weed,

    The little cage of “Currer Bell”

    In quiet “Haworth” laid.   

    Emily, closer in sensibility to Dickinson, had died at thirty, too early for an elegy by Dickinson, but in representing Charlotte as a poet-nightingale rather than as a novelist, one might think of her as embodying Emily. (Charlotte and Emily are buried in Haworth in a single grave bearing a joint gravestone.)                                                      

    In an appendix to Richard Sewall’s biography of Dickinson, there is a useful supplement collecting poems by American women on topics akin to those of Dickinson: Love, Death, Time, Nature, Art. They disclose the sentimentality and cliché that Dickinson in maturity was so determined to avoid (or to mock as “dimity convictions”), and it is unthinkable that Dickinson could have turned to such poets in choosing a surrogate literary voice for her funeral. Her own reading in poetry was chiefly from the English poets. She mentions “Mrs. Browning” (with several references to Aurora Leigh, Barrett Browning’s feminist novel-in-verse) and George Eliot (the novels, not the poems), but there is no recorded response to Christina Rossetti (whose mournful Christian verse is far from Dickinson’s briskness). Barrett Browning turned increasingly to political verse in her later Italian years, making her a less inviting model for Dickinson. Among contemporary women poets, Dickinson found only in Emily Brontë a kindred spirit as irreligious as herself, as highly educated, as outspoken and as fearless in unambiguous statement: “No coward soul is mine,” “Vain are the creeds of men.” Each of these declarations by Brontë would not be out of place in a poem by Dickinson. Dickinson could have chosen something by Browning or Tennyson, but in choosing a woman poet Dickinson defined herself against Brontë’s collective ideological men proclaiming successively their vain “thousand creeds.”

    In ventriloquizing Brontë’s “Last Lines,” Dickinson identified to her mourners an early example of the post-Christian religious lyric, unafraid of its secular stance, bold in its purity. As Dickinson perceived with instant indebtedness, Brontë had invented a form of poem that rejected Christianity but had nowhere else to turn for tonal models of worship, gratitude, and consolation except to Christian lyric. Brontë had had to find a way of verbal divestment, a genuine means by which she could both summon and address her secular “Deity.” Luckily, Brontë knew Milton’s address to “holy light” as “Bright effluence of bright essence increate,” which had pointedly used extreme abstraction as a way of representing the divine.

    The young Keats, in the “Ode to Psyche,” had taken on the problem later faced by Brontë — how to write devotionally after the death of the gods — but he had decided that the solution lay in an exact interior (mental) replication of Psyche’s Greek cult-forms. He takes a solemn vow:

    Yes, I will be thy priest, and build a fane

     In some untrodden region of my mind,

    Where branchèd thoughts, new grown with pleasant pain,

     Instead of pines shall murmur in the wind.

     By making an exact mental replica of the cult, Keats clears away Psyche’s Greek worship and makes his modern mental shrine exactly match the ancient external one, in the hope that the goddess will come to inhabit it. Brontë will not succumb to such a mimesis of past cultic practice: instead she evacuates from Christian poetry its former content, detaching its words from their roots in fable, sacred texts, and personal symbol. In “No coward soul is mine,” she uses words immemorially familiar from their Christian contexts — soul, Heaven, faith, God, Almighty, Deity, Undying Life, infinity, Immortality, spirit, eternal — but they appear nakedly, as if extracted from a contextless dictionary of theological vocabulary. We do not hear of the biblical narratives from which rock and anchor have been detached; we know only that an unnamed Deity is “Holding so fast by thy infinity” and “anchored on / The steadfast rock of Immortality.” Everything in Brontë is invisible.

    Brontë must have known the most frightening abstract poem of Romanticism, Coleridge’s “Constancy to an Ideal Object,” where, after conveying the sadness and bleakness of a purposeless life which constantly yearns for an Ideal Object worthy of lasting love, he savagely denies (while preserving its beauty) the eternal delusion prompting such a yearning. An Ideal Object is not a something; it is a nothing. Addressing the impossible Ideal Object, Coleridge, closing his poem, displays to The Ideal Object, by question and answer, its own vacancy of origin, while not suppressing its beauty:

    And art thou nothing? such thou art, as when

    The woodman winding westward up the glen

    At wintry dawn, where o’er the sheep-track’s maze

    The viewless snowmist weaves a glistening haze,

    Sees full before him, gliding without tread,

    An image with a glory round its head;

    The enamored rustic worships its fair hues,

    Nor knows he makes the shadow, he pursues!

    Words in many of Brontë’s poems remain apparently intelligible only because the mind hears in them echoes of past belief, but the echoes fade as they are replaced by a paradoxical and living web of active creative verbs, probably borrowed (as her editor suggests) from Coleridge’s famous description in Biographia Literaria of the “secondary” imagination, the first imagination being that of the Creator. (It was in truth Coleridge’s own human imagination that he was exploring, just as his first title-choice was Autobiographia Literaria.) His Latinate verbs are interiorly and etymologically complex: “It dissolves, diffuses, dissipates, in order to recreate. . . it struggles to idealize and to unify. It is essentially vital.” Coleridge insists that the ever-changing and vital human imagination must “dissolve” before it can “recreate.”

    Brontë’s “wide-embracing love” similarly “dissolves” and then “creates” itself in a vital form that not only “animates,” but also, in the end, “rears” itself into a positive absolute:

    Thy spirit animates eternal years

    Pervades and broods above,

    Changes, sustains, dissolves, creates and rears.

    The reader must restore individual etymological or allusive content to each of Brontë’s eight verbs, as I indicate by my added bracketed phrases below: Thy spirit animates [bestows an active individual soul upon impersonal eternal] years; Thy spirit pervades [diffuses itself, like a vapor, in every direction]; Thy spirit broods above [as an incubating bird, just as in Luke 13:34 Jesus wishes he could have gathered up the children of Jerusalem “as a hen doth gather her brood under her wings.” Brontë’s changes of focus — and their invisible sustaining metaphors, as in my bracketed “completions” above — rapidly accumulate in the five verbs of her final line. And later, Dickinson, outdoing both Coleridge and Brontë, introduces an unstoppable cascade of verbs into her own poem on “The Love a Life can show below,” where, at the ending, in a heap of twelve verbs, lifelong love on earth “dissolves” only so that it can return in Paradise:

    ‘Tis this – invites – appalls – endows –

    Flits – glimmers – proves – dissolves –

    Returns – suggests – convicts – enchants

    Then – flings in Paradise –

    The poet resorts to such excited abstractions to depict a world from which a changeless God has departed, making life narratable only as a succession of unpredictable and shifting perceptions. Like Brontë’s rock and anchor, Dickinson’s unstable actions are removed from a person, a situation and a coherent narrative line. Her poem makes uninterpretable kaleidoscopic turns — here, love glimmers, there, it convicts, and elsewhere, it provides a proof.

    To invent a daring abstract language which worships an internal Deity while forsaking a causal event, a stable narrative, a restored myth, and a theological intelligibility in favor of detachment, abstraction, and personal ecstasy, is a cultural novelty in English verse which subsequent non-religious poets, reading Brontë, can understand, investigate, imitate, and adopt for their own purposes.

    Since Brontë designs her own abstract language to imitate the aspirational or grieving tones and yearning of Christian lyric discourse, her twenty-first-century readers can scarcely perceive how relentlessly she eviscerates it of doctrinal or mythical or cultic content. The hope, calm, peace, and harmony of Brontë’s inner ecstatic vision — and the agony of its departure as the human senses reawaken — arrive most precisely in the hexameters of “The Prisoner,” in which the struggling imprisoned visionary-in-chains is each night soothed by Hope’s “mute music” in a dawning of the Invisible:

    But, first, a hush of peace — a soundless calm descends;

    The struggle of distress, and fierce impatience ends.

    Mute music soothes my breast, unuttered harmony,

    That I could never dream, till Earth was lost to me.

     

    Then dawns the Invisible; the Unseen its truth reveals;

    My outward sense is gone, my inward essence feels:

    Its wings are almost free — its home, its harbour found,

    Measuring the gulf, it stoops, and dares the final bound. 

    But the success of that final leap is prevented by the involuntary reawakening of the senses:

    Oh, dreadful is the check — intense the agony —

    When the ear begins to hear, and the eye begins to see;

    When the pulse begins to throb, the brain to think again,

    The soul to feel the flesh, and the flesh to feel the chain.

    The poet’s hexameters become tragic as the rising momentum of vision is lost, and the soul becomes fixed in the immobile and inexorable syntax of ordinary sense-life, physical and mental and spiritual dullness, and biological despair:

    When         the ear                   begins to hear

               and    the    eye         begins to see;

    When         the    pulse      begins to throb,

               and    the    brain      to think again,

                        the    soul           to feel the flesh

    and                      the    flesh      to feel the chain. 

    Such a passage reproduces the abysmal sensation of involuntarily resuming a physical and mental and spiritual existence lacking all divine colloquy, the chain locks shut on the sequence “flesh…. flesh… flesh… feel.”

    After its former displays of ecstatic relief from pain, Brontë’s former duality of flesh and spirit in “The Prisoner” grimly now encounters a baleful inner Trinity, ever in mutual conflict:

    Three gods, within this little frame,

           Are warring night and day;

    Heaven could not hold them all, and yet

          They all are held in me.

     Brontë’s triply conflicted self is re-defined by the apparently desirable image of a spirit standing within the flow of three rivers, one golden, one like blood, and one like sapphire (perhaps desire, will, and tears), but in the end they all helplessly “tumble in an inky sea.” The speaker, immersed in that marine darkness, recalls its hellish effect: “Oh, let me die — that power and will / Their cruel strife may close.” The famously tenacious Brontë will continues fiercely to will, but remains without power to act, and decides on suicide. It is the deepest feminist cry of Victorian poetry, in which an immense will to create can find no outlet in publication.      

    Bronte’s intimations of thwarted vision continue in Hardy’s “The Darkling Thrush,” composed on December 31, 1900 and originally titled “At the Century’s Death-Bed.” In it, the poet unwillingly admits that the full-throated song of an aged male thrush seems to hope for an emotional vitality at present inaccessible to the depressed sixty-year old poet:

    An aged thrush, frail, gaunt, and small,

             In blast-beruffled plume,

    Had chosen thus to fling his soul

            Upon the growing gloom.

     

    So little cause for carolings

           Of such ecstatic sound

    Was written on terrestrial things

           Afar or nigh around,

    That I could think there trembled through

           His happy good-night air

    Some blessed Hope, whereof he knew

           And I was unaware.

     

    Unwilling to abandon his momentary participation in the thrush’s hope, the atheist Hardy has nestled it (in Brontë’s fashion) in the retained diction of Christianity (soul, carolings, ecstatic, terrestrial, blessed, Hope). To create true despair, Hardy needed only to write so as to contrast his depressive sentiment with the thrush’s “happy air,” declaring that the thrush had [“Some blessed Hope whereof he knew, / But I was unaware.”] Yet Hardy adds no comma, and inserts an “And” instead of a “But,” creating a true coordination between the thrush’s firm knowing and the speaker’s (now perhaps remediable) unawareness. Both Christmas and Twelfth Night bracket the century’s corpse, but narrative notice of Jesus’ birth and the Three Kings’ mythical pilgrimage is, as in Brontë, absent.

    The master of lyric abstraction, T. S. Eliot, composed in 1927, just after his conversion, a brilliant lyric narrative called “Journey of the Magi.” It seems likely that he was invisibly competing with his mother Charlotte’s publication, in The Christian Register of Christmas 1887, a perfectly conventional, prosodically inept poem called “The Three Kings.” All its lines have four beats except for line two which has only three:

    We are three kings who have traveled far,

           O’er laced and sandy plane.

    Before us moved a radiant star,

           Its light along our path is lain.

    Faint and weary, our journey’s end

           We seek, but the star moves onward still.

    We know not whither our footsteps tend,

           Obedient to a higher will. 

    Eliot’s poem draws on the seventeenth century Christmas sermon preached before King James by Lancelot Andrewes, who uses the collective voice that Eliot adopts. “Journey of the Magi” restricts its sole scriptural reference (Matthew 1:2) to the word “Magi.” The word first appears in Jerome’s first-century Christian Latin Vulgate to transliterate Matthew’s Greek magus, meaning “a man learned in arcane lore.” The King James Version calls them “wise men from the east,” while the Catholic Rheims-Douay translation retains the Vulgate “Magi.” Eliot presumably chooses the foreign word “Magi” in lieu of the KJV’s “wise men” so that the poem will appear ancient and pre-Reformation in origin. (Neither translation specifies the number of the Magi; they acquired their number, names, and personalities from the accumulations of tradition, and their gifts, scriptural only by allusion to their source in Isaiah 60:6, enter Christianity also from tradition.) The gifts are not recorded in Matthew’s Greek and remain unmentioned in Eliot’s poem, so that the only item giving the poem any scriptural context is the single-word quotation from the Vulgate, “Magi,” the barest of verbal references. Eliot is removing KJV familiarity — “wise men” — and making his title foreign and largely abstract — Journey of Whom?

    Eliot’s poem opens in a collective anonymous voice: “A cold coming we had of it.” We later discover that the tale of the journey is being recounted to, and recorded by, an amanuensis who appears only in the last stanza of the poem, as the voices, closing down the unhappy and unresolved account of their journey, command the recorder of their history to “set down / This set down / This.” The poem intricately depicts a contest between a past journey recounted in the key of the definite article the and a set of arrivals recounted in the key of the indefinite article a/an. Here is a portion of the journey, which constantly repeats from lines 4-20 its specifying “the”:

    The ways deep and the weather sharp,

    The very dead of winter.

    And the camels galled, sorefooted, refractory,

    Lying down in the melting snow.

    There were times we regretted

    The summer palaces on slopes, the terraces,

    And the silken girls bringing sherbet.

    And here is a passage on arrival, pitched in the key of the repeated indefinite article a until its close, when it arrives at last at the prophesied place:

    Then at dawn we came down to a temperate valley. . .

    With a running stream and a water-mill. . .

    And an old white horse galloped away in the meadow.

    Then we came to a tavern. . ,

    But there was no information, and so we continued

    And arriving at evening, not a moment too soon

    Finding the place; it was (you might say) satisfactory.

    The arrival-landscape becomes allegorical of later events in the life of Jesus, meaningless of course to the journeying Magi: “Three trees on the low sky. . . and six hands dicing for silver.”

    The voices close the poem with a question to the amanuensis, fusing the two articles the and a — the latter not only for their first arrival at a temperate valley, but also for their arrival back home after seeing a Birth and then, in the closing line, for their own envisaged third arrival — their longed-for personal death: “I should be glad of an-other death.” Eliot adopts in this passage Brontë’s strategy of capitalizing Sacred Things and using lower-case for human things, dramatizing the contrast most theatrically in the juxtaposition “like Death, our death,” contrasting the implied sacred Crucifixion (the “three trees”) and the Magi’s human mortality.

    Were we led all that way for

    Birth or Death? There was a Birth, certainly

    We had evidence and no doubt. I had seen birth and death,

    But had thought they were different; this Birth was

    Hard and bitter agony for us, like Death, our death.

    We returned to our places, these Kingdoms,

    But no longer at ease here, in the old dispensation

    With an alien people clutching their gods.

    I should be glad of another death.

    During their arduous journey, the Magi had sometimes “regretted” their former worldly pleasures, always specified by the —“the summer palaces on slopes, the terraces, and the silken girls bringing sherbet”but after their return to the East, the “palaces” are silently reduced to mere “places” and the Magi find themselves with the conundrum of their journey: was it a Birth they witnessed or a Death? They cannot decide. All that they know is that the journey ruined the rest of their life.

    John Ashbery finally brings Brontë’s abstractions into their full consequence. His book-length epic of abstract narration called Three Poems, from 1972, evolves without any religious support (although it allows allusion to any number of canonical literary works, including the Bible). The book is divided into three specifying parts: The New Spirit, The System, and The Arrival, all dependent on Eliot’s work of specification in Journey of the Magi, on Brontë’s work in deleting Christian reference, and on Dickinson’s forthright substitution of Truth for Deity. It also depends — and chiefly — on Yeats’ tiny but defiant poem announcing that the only accurate narrative of a life is the narration of its moods. Time decays as enlightenments come and go; both inorganic and organic nature change over geological time; but has any one of the eternal human moods ever been known to vanish?

               The Moods

    Time drops in decay,

    Like a candle burnt out,

    And the mountains and woods

    Have their day, have their day;

    What one in the rout

    Of the fire-born moods

    Has fallen away? 

    The obvious answer to Yeats’ closing rhetorical question is “None.” Human emotional and temperamental responses throughout life arrive as an uncontrollable “rout” (an unruly mob) of moods, generated not from the three temporal elements of the Greek world (Earth, Water, and Air) but rather from the fourth — and only immortal — realm, the celestial element of Fire. The form of Yeats’ poem also supports the necessary answer: “None.” We register the neat familiar logic of Yeats’ rhymes — decay, out, woods; day, rout, moods — as we advance through the lyric because we recognize that he is constructing an English sixain: abcabc. Yet as we arrive at the end we are upset, because the poem, though it “should” stop at the sixth line, continues with an “extra” line, the seventh, which “re-starts” the inexorable rhyme-chain with away. Yeats thereby displays the perpetual self-generating of the human moods in every human being from birth to death: the moods never subside, rout after rout of them.

    If moods are the chief and perpetual inner events of human life — always and everywhere, appearing in our oldest oral and written literature and visual representations and pre-eminently in music — then as an artist records them, however incompletely or imperfectly, they become the most reliable narratives of our inner incessant responses to our infinitely conscious and unconscious life. To trace the moods has long been thought the special task of lyric, but Ashbery, by extending the mode to epic length in Three Poems, proposes that testimony to the moods is also the underlying work of all human narrative, even when it is presented novelistically or dramatically. Ashbery’s long and sinuous ongoing sentences, influenced (as critics have noted) by the speculative novelists James and Proust, forsake the hard actualities of Homeric epic — a war, a journey — for a stylistic tour de force, a book-length exposition of the flickerings, doubts, convictions, affirmations, enjoyments, ecstasies, disappointments, and bafflements of the inner life. The moods are not structurally containable by human thought-systems. Ideology, shrinking and confining the human person into an idea-system, is, in this poetic, the enemy of human accuracy.

    Three Poems is the modern equivalent of the Augustinian spiritual journals of the past, ever rising to a crest of faith or sinking into a trough of perplexity and despair, yet bound to remember what their author’s fluctuating responses have amounted to in God’s eyes, and to judge whether they are legitimate or unworthy. Three Poems (dedicated to the poet’s partner David Kermani) is Ashbery’s journal, moving through a haze of mist and fog, making inquiries into elementary particles of emotion and fugitive auroras, into intimations, into repudiations. Every new day arrives with irrepressible moods that tend to discard the old, distrust the new, cherish hopes, falter in confidence, and long for an idyll. The rout of moods never “solves” or “resolves” any life-question, because a new and thrilling disturbance of feeling will appear the moment the previous lapses into forgetfulness. Ashbery moves down the page always apparently in preparation for a contemplated undertaking, but is prevented by new inspirations or disbeliefs from any conclusive action. And there is no question of moral judgment of the self, because moods irrupt into being involuntarily.

    A passage from Three Poems recording the moment of falling in love and discovering one’s responses of shock and delight illustrates Ashbery’s refusal of definiteness in favor of an abstract and equivocal (but finely shaded) balance of erotic delusion and erotic fulfillment, the latter causing the former. In the delusion of new love the world changes, and the lover becomes so suffused by emotion that he is certain that even insects and rodents must be feeling the glowing ambiance of desire:

    From the outset it was apparent that someone had played a colossal trick on something. The switches had been tripped, as it were; the entire world or one’s limited but accurate idea of it was bathed in glowing love, of a sort that need never have come into being but was now indispensable as air is to living creatures. It filled up the whole universe, raising the temperature of all things. Not an atom but did not feel obscurely compelled to set out in search of a mate; not a living creature, no insect or rodent, that didn’t feel the obscure twitchings of dormant love, that didn’t ache to join in the universal turmoil and hullabaloo that fell over the earth, roiling the clear waters of the reflective intellect, getting it into all kinds of messes that could have been avoided if only, as Pascal says, we had the sense to stay in our room, but the individual will condemns this notion and sallies forth full of ardor and hubris, bent on self-discovery in the guise of an attractive partner who is the heaven-sent one, the convex one with whom he has had the urge to mate all these seasons without realizing it.

    In this abstract quasi-moral discourse from which everything moral has been deleted, we are left with the ultimately comic but also plangent dilemma of the poet whose every possibility remains (to quote Ammons’ poem “Classic”) “uncapturable and vanishing.” Three Poems, unlikely ever to be exhausted, is equally unlikely to be imitated at such length and virtuosity, but it proves that even a long lyric narrative prose-poem can be fully abstract, appearing as the final extension of Brontë’s abstract ventures in lyric.

    Episode by episode, experiment by experiment, God has died on the poetic page, and has been replaced, as Dickinson prophesied, by a new Truth. A “scrawny bird-cry at dawn” is Stevens’ description of the embryonic new truth in “Not Ideas About the Thing But the Thing Itself,” but the poet predicts the reappearance of “the colossal sun, // Surrounded by its choral rings, / Still far away.” Only posterity will know whether the scrawny cry of the abstract was a necessary move for the invention of a new poetics.

    After Rape: A Guide for the Tormented

     

    The worst thing that was ever done to a person I know was committed by a man who claimed he loved his victim. “That was not rape,” he told her afterwards. He was in this regard highly unoriginal. Every rape survivor who has shared her story with me was also told by her rapist that what he did to her was not rape.

    The first months after my rape I would play macabre mind games with myself whenever I was left alone. I would, for example, ask myself at regular intervals: What punishment would be bad enough? Sometimes I would deliberately pose the question at a time of relative peace, to punish myself for allowing the memory of the evil to fade from the forefront of my attention. What punishment would be bad enough? What punishment would be bad enough? At two months out, I was able to make droll, dark quips about my little game with close friends. I would say that I wished I believed in hell so that I could believe he would burn forever, and I would add that faith in the possibility of eternal damnation is wasted on people who already have the comfort of a God. They would laugh and rub my back and tell me they were glad that we could make jokes. But in the skinless moments, when wit was beyond me, I would fantasize about one particular punishment. I wanted my rapist to think “That is a rapist” every time he saw his own reflection. I wanted the word to rise like bile in his throat every time he read his own byline. His condign punishment would have been the burning tang of his own evil present as a taste on his tongue. 

    Rape is like explosive ammunition. The bullet fragments beneath the skin, wounding all parts of the body. The initial rupture is then succeeded by a thousand subsequent tears which commit compounded, invisible violence over time. The damage spreads far from the site of the wound. The damage cannot be contained. A victim must track its effects. She must understand how she has been shredded within. She must identify and extract each shard, or else the shrapnel will continue to do damage. Feigning health is not an option.

    A woman whose name I did not recognize direct-messaged me on Instagram a few months ago. I will call her Eve. Eve told me that she had reason to believe that a man who had just violently attacked her may have once done something similar to me. “Would you be willing to meet or to talk on the phone? I live in Philadelphia but can make the trip down.” We scheduled a phone call. On the phone Eve relayed that impressive social media detective work had yielded the following interesting results: her rapist and I had once been close friends, but we no longer follow one another on any platform. There was a photograph of us on a beach taken from a few years ago that he still had on his Instagram grid, though there was no trace of him in any photos on my Instagram account. Suspicious. The police, who had taken swabs of blood and photographs of the bruises which covered her chest and arms after the attack, had told her that rapes like hers are usually perpetrated by repeat offenders. Her rapist had said and done things which indicated to the cops that he had likely said and done those things before. Eve had been looking for her fellow victims, for others who had suffered as she had by the same hand. “Her rapist” might also be “my rapist.”

    “My rapist”: what a heavy appellation. It binds you grotesquely. When a woman I love revealed to me that she had been raped three times by three different men, the first thought I had — viscerally, before I could catch myself from forming it — was that it was like having three ex-husbands. “My rapist” denotes a permanent relationship. This is one of the injustices for which I had been unprepared before my own experience. Another shard.

    But Eve had guessed wrong. “No, he didn’t rape me.” I told her. “It’s strange you reached out. I did break off contact with him shortly after I was raped, but I wasn’t raped by him. I was raped by someone else. A few days afterward he and I were talking about date rape and he said to me, ‘That’s not real rape, though. You know usually they’re both just drunk and then she regrets it and exaggerates.’ I wonder whether I would have broken off contact with him if I hadn’t just been raped. I probably would have just yelled at him. But after that remark I wanted nothing to do with him.” But I wanted to be absolutely clear, because we were speaking in a universe of innuendo. “No, he never did anything like that to me. And my rape wasn’t like that either. I mean, it wasn’t violent like that. I didn’t bleed. I was in and out of sleep when he penetrated me and was jolted wide awake when he started moving fast inside me.”

    “Oh my god.” she whispered. “I’m so sorry.”

    Odd, I thought, that she could be moved by that detail when her story was far more gruesome than mine.

    It was a swampy summer morning in Washington, DC. I had been on a run but had stopped in my office for her call. Minutes into Eve’s account I slid to the floor and pulled my knees up against my chest. It was awful to listen to her, to hear the plea in her tone while she recounted the details, and to recognize that plea. I, too, used to beg implicitly when I retold my own story. “This is bad, right? Isn’t this very, very bad?” I could feel myself imploring people to understand. I wanted them to be moved by the horror, to exclaim out loud that I was the victim of a foul crime. I could hear how pitiable I sounded. My voice disgusted me.

    Eve and I spoke for a long while on that first call. She asked me the same questions that I had asked myself in the early days when getting up off the floor was the best I could manage. I looked up while she talked. In the wall-length window that spans the length of our office space I saw my reflection in the glass. The terror on my face startled me. She was at the very beginning of the trek the end of which I was only just approaching. So much pain awaited her.

    Just before she hung up, she said: “This is silly but… How long, how long did it take for you to feel normal again?”

    I inhaled deeply and stared at the reflection in the window. It was very important not to give her false hope. When I had been where she was now, and interlocutors were either too optimistic or too quick to affirm my feelings, I immediately discounted their support. It is difficult to say anything about trauma that isn’t trite or hyperbolic, and whenever someone whispered affirmations that smacked of insincerity it made me feel very lonely. I needed Eve to trust me. I had to be forthright and specific in order to earn her trust.

    This is what I told her. “For the first two months I wanted to die. The lowest point was the morning after a mutual friend of ours — the only mutual friend we had — told me to forgive my rapist. He said that ‘he only did it because he loves you. He was fighting for your love. His heart is broken now.’ That next day I couldn’t get out of bed till the evening. At night I slammed my head against the wall over and over until I fell down. For months after that I kept arguing with that man in my head. The same argument played like a loop. ‘How can you think this evil could be forgivable?’ And to win the argument I had to make myself relive the rape precisely — every detail that I could remember from before the act, and then the exact sensations waking up, telling him to stop, waiting for him to leave and then jumping up and locking the door — over and over and over. After three months I started to see a therapist. It helped a lot — I’ll give you her name, she does remote calls. After six months the rape stopped being the only thing in my head whenever I was alone. A little shy of one year I had the first whole day when I didn’t think about it at all.”

    And I continued: “I still can’t bear to see his name. I’ve blocked and muted him on every platform, but every once in a while he writes something that gets attention, and then I can’t avoid seeing his name. Right after the rape he was on a popular reading list. There was an image of the list with his name on it that kept getting re-posted. Those were a bad few days. He just published a book, so I keep seeing reviews. It feels as if there is no sanctuary anywhere. But I promise, Eve, I swear, you will feel like yourself again. You will be a full human being on the other side of this. You have already been so brave. You have done more than I did. I don’t know anyone else who went to the police after their rape.”

    She thanked me. She told me that she didn’t know anyone else who had been through anything like this, so what I had to say was useful. And thus began a dark sisterhood. I took my duty to her very seriously, and when she thanked me — for checking in, for scheduling phone calls, for texting hearts at regular intervals — I explained to her that I needed this at least as much as she did. Helping her conferred a purpose upon what I had been through. It put that hell to use. The whole while I had been where she was now, I kept wishing for a guide. Now perhaps I could give her one, a guide to help her inch towards lucidity.

    II

    In the beginning, a victim’s desire for health exceeds her cognitive capacity. She is hemorrhaging. It is a kind of internal bleeding. With proper guidance and patience, her reason will strengthen, and she can grow secure of her own judgment. She will achieve some level of stability. But nobody is born with the resources and the mechanisms for mastering this. They must learn from the miserable experience of other people. 

    What follows is a guide for the tormented. Its objective is to offer a taxonomy of rape’s afterlife, so that you, the victim, can make sense of your own grief. The grief will initially strike you as overwhelming, as all you will ever know. It will feel unbearable and sometimes it will be unbearable. In the early days you will worry that the grief will never end, that the inside of your mind will always be a hostile place, and that from now on you will conceive of yourself primarily as a rape victim and a rape survivor. It will take a long time until that is no longer the most salient thing about you. That crushing identity will slowly lighten and lift. Healing will take a long time, but it can be managed responsibly by anticipating the dangers and preparing for them. It cannot be sped up, though it can be slowed down.

    For a start, there are two sorts of dangers: internal and external. The internal dangers are the most intractable. It is a special nightmare when the greatest threat to a person’s sanity is her own mind. The victim’s subconscious will begin to gaslight itself. You will not want to believe that what has happened has happened. The impulse to deny it or to make light of it or to interpret it as your fault will at first be greater than the need to describe the rape accurately. You will lie to yourself. You will pounce on offhand trivialities that unwitting or idiotic people say which seem to confirm the suspicion that you are being unreasonable, that your rape wasn’t really that bad, that your rapist doesn’t really deserve punishment, and other analogous idiocies. These idiocies are among the regular effects of rape. You will pick them up, put them in your pocket, and finger them absentmindedly throughout the day. You will feel like you are losing your mind.

     

    1 — Losing My Mind

    “I feel insane,” Eve texted me.

    She felt insane because her rapist seemed fine. Scrolling through posts on Instagram she caught sight of him in a photograph that someone else had posted. He was sipping champagne at a party. This was shattering. If he had raped her, how could he be fine? How could he function at all? Shouldn’t the weight of his own crime be crushing him? And if it wasn’t crushing him, did that mean that he must not have done it?

    Well, he certainly did do something, but what if that something wasn’t rape? After all, it wasn’t like rape on television. She thought of Dr. Melfi’s rape on The Sopranos. Isn’t that real rape? I had seen the episode and even before I was violated I could barely stomach it. Late one night in the parking lot in the building of Dr. Melfi’s office, a strange man whose face viewers can barely make out comes at her from behind and puts her in a chokehold. When she tries to escape he throws her to the ground, punches her in the face, and drags her to a stairwell, where the sexual assault takes place. Viewers are forced to watch her scream and beg until he finishes and runs away. It is candidly brutal. There is no ambiguity. No one, not even the rapist himself, would deny that what he had committed was rape.

    We have all been told how common rape is. In rape’s afterlife, those statistics have human faces. You have heard that one in four women will be victims of rape by the time they reach their mid-twenties, but now the implications of “one in four” will grab you by the throat. When you walk down the street you will start counting — the women, of course, but also the men. The inverse of that statistic will dawn on you: if one in four women are victims, how many of the men you walk past are perpetrators?

    And another statistic, perhaps less familiar, will have sharp teeth: of those women, over seventy-five percent will be victims of “acquaintance rape,” or rape between two people who know each other. Most rapists know their victims. Many even love their victims. According to “Acquaintance Rape: The Hidden Crime,” a report published by the Department of Justice in 1991, “acquaintance rapists are rarely convicted, and cases are generally not viewed as ‘real’ rape by the legal system” because they didn’t look like Dr. Melfi’s encounter with violence. Victims, the report found, are also inclined not to view their own rapes as “real.” This is why Eve felt insane. What if he was sipping champagne because it wasn’t real? 

     

    2 — Evil

    The word “rape” is heavily freighted. It is a primary sin. One would have to be evil to feel entitled to force himself into another person. One would have to be capable of evil to have done so. I couldn’t say “rape” for the first few days after it happened. I resisted matriculation into the world of this evil. A victim of acquaintance rape must accept the fact that someone she knows, perhaps even someone she trusted and cared about, is evil, and also that he had done evil to her. A relationship with reality in which evil is something far away is no longer possible after that. The disillusionment is staggering. And reckoning with this new reality is difficult. It is enormously disruptive to have to formulate a new relationship with the world, one in which evil is not an abstraction or a historical phenomenon far away in time or place. It is tempting to deny one’s own experience when the acceptance of it is a promise of torment. And that temptation is made stronger by the fact that the only authority whom the victim can rely on to justify such a reformulation is herself. Is she sure? Does she understand the implications of what she is saying? Can it really be that this man could have done that? (See 1 above.)

    You do not want it to be true. You are the one who has to live in the new world in which it is true. He has assured himself that what he did was not rape — after all, rape is evil — and so he sips champagne and writes his books and occasionally thinks of that cute girl he used to go out with who suddenly went crazy and sadly shakes his head. “She’s crazy,” he will say if anyone brings her up. Or, if he is sick in precisely the way my rapist is, he will tell them, “She broke my heart.” There are no shards inside his body, there is nothing he has to extract from himself. And while his life goes on, you will be staring at your own puffy face in the mirror wondering how many more hours of just this day will be spent sobbing.

    It is exhausting to have been raped.

     

    3 — How Bad is Bad Enough for Justice?

    Even after accepting what you know is true — that he did do it, that the photographs of the bruises and the swabs of blood tell an unimpeachable story — there are other concerns. How bad must a crime be to render the perpetrator worthy of losing his livelihood and his reputation? What if he has a family? Is rape bad enough to warrant such an encompassing punishment? All rape? Do you want the responsibility of having destroyed his capacity to feed his children, or even to keep them?

    “I keep thinking about his kids,” a friend whispered to me over drinks. She had a preliminary conversation with a lawyer about what her legal options were should she choose to bring a civil suit against her rapist. “What if I don’t know for sure that he will do it again? What if I’m only doing this for revenge?”

    “You deserve justice!” I had been digging my nails into my arm trying not to cut her off, but I finally exploded. “If someone broke into your home and robbed you, would you wait to make sure that he was likely to do it again before calling the police? Rape is a crime. It is a crime. He is a criminal. We are entitled to justice. I have discovered no evidence that the man who raped me had done it before and I have no reason to be confident that he will do it again, but still I am ashamed that I did nothing — nothing to punish him.”

    At the time she found that argument convincing, but a few days after our drink she got a call from her best friend. “She told me that it was narcissistic of me to bring a case against him that could ruin his entire life. She said that I would be fine in a few months, but he will never be able to work again.”

     

    4 – The Price of Coming Forward 

    Suppose a victim recognizes that she does have the right to justice. How does one go about securing justice? I am a young writer and my rapist is a better known writer than I am. If I come forward (whatever “coming forward” means) this nightmare will become the thing for which I am known. I used to say that “I will come forward when my fame exceeds his,” but even then, who can say that his name won’t come up every time someone googles mine if I make what he did known? I do not want to be renowned for my victimhood and I do not want to be tethered to his name forever. As long as I maintain this tormented silence, “my rapist” is an association kept alive mostly inside my own head. If I come forward, everyone will know about that shameful bond.

    And then, of course, what will other people say?

    Some will support me for the wrong reasons, which will be the least of my troubles. If I come forward, strangers on social media will debate my right to do so. People of whom I have never heard will have opinions about whether my rape was awful enough, or whether my rapist was sufficiently contrite. Some will call me a liar, and they will have just as much evidence at their disposal as those who say they believe me. “Am I insane?” “Am I sure he did it?” “Am I sure I didn’t deserve it?” “Was it just because he loved me?” “Would it hurt him more to be accused of rape than it hurts me to have been raped?” “Do I have the right to justice?” “What is justice for a rape like that?” All the questions discussed above will no longer be confined to the inside of my head.

    And what will he say? Will he simply lie and say that I never said no? But I had said no to him so many times before. He knows that. I guess he has to lie about it to go on living (and succeeding). But surely it is grotesque to think that the protection of his good fortune is my responsibility.  

     

    5 — Did You Report It?

    When you share your story (if you share it with anyone) the first thing most people will ask is whether you reported it. People will never stop asking this question, as if the difference between truth and falsehood depends on your answer to it, but over time it will get easier to hear it. In the early days, it will feel like an accusation. Overwhelmingly, the answer is no. And if the answer is yes, far too often the police do nothing, in which case you have to lie, or refuse to answer, or tell your interlocutor that the police did nothing. If your interlocutor is insufficiently educated, this news may cause her to believe that your rape wasn’t “real.” And if you realize that this is her conclusion, it may strike you as confirmation that you have indeed lost your mind.

    Rape is one of the most under-reported crimes in the United States. Shortly after I shared my story with him, a friend of mine said about my rape: “My wife says that if it was really rape you would have gone to the police.” His wife is not alone. Despite the fact that sixty-three percent of sexual assault victims do not go to the police, “Why didn’t you go to the police?” is often the first question people ask when told that you were raped. Initially, in the early days, the answer was that I did not report it because I was broken and could barely function at the time. Since that was the true answer, I never bothered to figure out what would actually happen if I had reported it. In all likelihood it would have yielded only more pain, and only for me.  I had no physical evidence. I did not bleed. He did not leave behind a soiled condom. I’m pretty sure that he did not even ejaculate, since I woke up when he started moving quickly as if about to climax, and that was when I said “no, no, no” for the final time. For the first three months after the rape, probably due to stress, I did not get my period. I wondered through a thick fog if that meant that I was pregnant. The humiliating prospect of contacting him to ask if he had ejaculated, or if he had worn a condom, was so unbearable to me that I resolved, dimly, that I would rather just be pregnant.

    What actually happens after a victim goes to the police? It is bizarre and frustrating how difficult it is to figure out. The urban legend is that involving the police is a bad idea, that little is likely to come of it, but why exactly it is a bad idea and what exactly “little” means is difficult to ascertain.

    On its website, the D.C. Metropolitan Police Department, in whose jurisdiction my rape occurred, offers its own account of what victims will experience if they report a rape:

    What to expect:

    • When a dispatcher receives a call, a police officer is sent to the location of the reported incident.
    • The police officer will ask the victim some questions about what happened.
    • The police officer who responds to the scene will contact the Sex Assault Unit once an incident involving sexual assault has been reported.
    • The investigation is transferred to the detective when the detective arrives at the scene.
    • The detective will conduct a more detailed interview.
    • The detective will also contact the Forensic Science Division to respond to the scene to collect evidence at the location of the crime.
    • If necessary, the detective will arrange for the victim to be taken to the hospital for a forensic exam.
    • A specially trained nurse will conduct the forensic exam.

    It is important that you do not:

    • Disturb the crime scene.
    • Shower, bathe or wash.
    • Change your clothes (if you have already changed clothes, place them in a paper bag for the detective).
    • Eat, drink or smoke.
    • Brush your teeth.
    • Use the bathroom.

    Remember

    Sexual assault is never the victim’s fault. It is always the fault of the assailant no matter what your relationship is to the assailant, what you were wearing or doing, or what drugs or alcohol you ingested prior to or at the time of the assault.

    Members of the MPD’s Sex Assault Unit take every report of sexual assault very seriously and investigate each case as fully as possible.

    The tone of the text is thoughtful, but it belies the experience of many victims. There are myriad steps between reporting a rape and getting to criminal trial, and at each one the victim faces often insurmountable obstacles. According to a report conducted by the journalist Barbara Bradley Haggerty, police are often unsympathetic to victims of reported rape, which is consistent with the fact that police officers themselves are accused of rape at a rate of one per week in the United States. Of the five hundred officers who have been accused of sexual assault in the last five years, three-hundred and fifty of them are still serving as policemen. This fact, and the aura in which it shrouds police generally, is among the many reasons that women are hesitant to report.

    And if she does choose to report it? There is an epidemic of rape-undercounting in police departments around the country. In 2013, Human Rights Watch published an investigation which revealed that the DC police were systematically mishandling and downgrading reported sexual assault cases. Cases which are counted are often mishandled. For example, there are currently four hundred thousand untested rape kits in America. Some have been on the shelves for decades. Victims who do go to the police and who then give DNA often wait in vain as kits with evidence taken from the most private parts of their bodies are sealed, stored, and forgotten about.

    And for those whose cases are investigated and the evidence is processed and a trial can begin, the best-case scenario also involves significant pain.

     

    6 — Why Didn’t You Scream?

    There are certain questions that the police will ask a victim in the United States. “Why didn’t you scream?” is apparently a common question. Also, “Why didn’t you push him off you?” The answers are not hard to find or to understand. There are studies which show that victims often go into shock and so are unable to scream. Why anyone needs a report to tell them that boggles the mind.

    The victim who will be asked “Why didn’t you scream?” by police may also be asked to scroll through her text conversations with anyone she spoke to in the days after the rape, and read through those conversations, and screenshot any details that may be relevant to the case. In some cases, they will simply take her phone and search it themselves. (There are cases of victims being arrested for evidence that police discovered on their phones after the victims turned to police to report their own rape.) If, shortly after her rape, anyone saw her looking particularly out of sorts, if anyone caught her crying, or noticed that her make-up was smudged by tears, then the police may ask to speak to them to corroborate evidence. If she bled during the rape, police may demand to speak to prior sexual partners to prove that she was not a virgin. If she has any recorded interactions with her rapist after he has raped, she will be made to review and then share that information with the police as well. Officers will ask her more questions: “Why didn’t you call it rape that night?” “If you were so upset, why did you go to the bar the next day?” “Why would you speak to him again if he’d raped you?” Even if these questions are posed in a gentle, understanding tone, as if they are nothing more than due diligence, they will sting like shrapnel.

     

    7 — It Wasn’t So Bad

    People will tell you that what happened to you wasn’t so bad. Not everyone of course; but each time someone makes that merciless observation another shard sinks deeper. It’s worse when women do it. One afternoon about two weeks after my rape, a woman with whom I was friendly mentioned my rapist by name. I couldn’t bear to hear it, so I told her what he had done to me.

    “Why didn’t you go to the police?” she asked briskly.  I hadn’t learned yet to expect that question, and so each time it was posed I was thrown back into a wrestling match with myself, while my interlocutor politely and uncomprehendingly waited for a response. “I… I don’t want to be responsible for ruining his life.” I muttered, repeating something that I had once heard someone else say. She smiled. “That makes sense,” she replied. “Where I come from, men do stuff like that all the time anyway.” I gasped. “Men rape women all the time?” I asked. She waved her hand: “No, no, but you know they can be very aggressive when they hit on us.”

    How is such a dearth of understanding possible? I think about that conversation now more often than I think about the rape itself.

     

    8 – You Will Make Your Loved Ones Miserable

    Everyone who is closest to you will be in visible pain. At first it will be because you are in raw pain and your raw pain is difficult for them to witness. They will feel helpless because they will know that there is absolutely nothing they can do to help you heal. Love hates to be useless. But all they can do is hinder the healing process. If they are hurtful — and they will be, even inadvertently, simply by waking up every morning and being manifestly capable of basic executive functioning while you can hardly stand — they will throw you off course. If they are kind and understanding and generous, you will still be alone with the shrieking inside your own head.

    When the shrieking stops, when you transition out of the shrieking phase, you will reach the phase at which all you can think and talk about is the rape. You will talk incessantly about your rapist, what he is doing, where he is living, whether or not you should call the magazine where he works and inform them that they are employing a rapist. You will hear yourself returning again and again to the same subject and you will see your friends’ eyes widen or their lips tighten. Sometimes they will say, “For your own sake, you need to try not to think about it.” And if this doesn’t make you burst into tears, it will at the very least make you angry, and angry with them as much as with yourself because you are trapped inside your mind with these thoughts which they cannot handle even in limited dosages.

    You will feel pathetic, and you will also feel boring, and isolated. Communication will seem impossible. And these feelings will chew away at your already depleted self-respect.

     

    9 — Medicinal Self-Respect

    The only authority who can bear witness to what happened to you, to its subsequent effects, to the wreckage wrought by one man’s hideous sense of entitlement, is you. You must bear witness for yourself. This time you must take innocence and justice and humanity seriously enough not to take care of others but to take care of yourself. There will be no one else you can say you are doing this for, no one else to save. “Self-care,” that phrase which until now has always reminded you of posters on the walls at Barnes and Noble, will suddenly be immensely important. You will discover that clenching your teeth and bearing this pain is a childish and irresponsible thing to attempt. It will not work. You cannot push the pain away: it is stronger than you are. Grow up, rise to it, meet it, and take care of yourself.

    A few months after I was raped and a few months after he blithely told me to forgive my rapist, that mutual friend of ours contacted me and asked if we could get coffee. My reply to him reads in part:

    I’m not going to try to describe to you the hell the past several months have been because it would feel too much like I was trying to convince you of the gravity of what was done to me. That is the argument I have been having in my head with you since our initial phone call. It resumes every time there is a lull, every pause in the general commotion, an incessant inner monologue. But the rape, like all rape, was very bad, and one of the indications that it was is how horrific processing it has been. The psychological burden is immense, at times far too heavy for me, and it has forced me to make miserable the people who love me most. Watching them suffer through my pain has been the most tormenting experience of all.

    I have learned since July that the only way for me to get through this ordeal is to be assiduous about preserving my own self-respect. I say all this by way of explanation, because I need you to know that I cannot have coffee with you, or with anyone else who I know is friends with the man who raped me, who knows he did that, and continues to be friends with him. I’m not going to ask you to break off your friendship — if you were going to do that you already would have. (I assume that you must not conceive of what he did to me as a rape, because I can’t imagine that you could call it that in your mind and continue to be friends with him. If my intuition about this is correct, I ask that you never tell me so. I have relived the incident far too many times to be told that it did not happen, or that I misinterpreted something so disgusting and egregious, a primary transgression, a grotesque violation).

    I don’t say this to be childish, I just have studied the precarious condition of my own well-being closely enough to know that if I sit down at a table with you knowing that you have done so with him just a day or an hour or two before I will not be able to get up off the floor the next day (just as I was not able to get up off the floor the morning after our last call). I wish that I was not so vulnerable, I wish that I was strong enough to withstand that sort of interaction. I wish that he had not raped me.

    It had taken me several months to gather the clarity and the strength necessary to tell a person that their dismissal of my desecration was unacceptable. In far less febrile circumstances, demanding respect is a difficult thing to do. But dignity is a precious resource and in extremis it must be preserved. It is undignified to beg someone to recognize your humanity. It is not possible to maintain cordial relations with a person who has so blatantly disrespected you and lazily preferred not to listen to you closely in your hour of crisis. You, the victim, must disentangle yourself from such a person and, if you can, tell them why. Force them to recognize how their behavior has damaged you. Give them the opportunity to consider what you have to say. If they respond vilely, gird yourself against that ugliness and consider it an affirmation of your choice to extricate yourself from them. If it is possible for them to recognize their transgression and repent for it, their apology will be a precious balm. It will be an explicit recognition of the rape by a party who had been predisposed to discount it. A shard removed.

     

    10 – Forgiveness

    Treat the wound until it has scabbed and then scarred. When the scar has faded to a shadow, you will have the capacity to consider the questions of charity, repentance, and forgiveness. There will be a long list of people who have done you serious damage in the wake of your rape. The time will come when you will ask yourself who among them can be forgiven. And the time will come when you, or others, will ask whether your rapist himself can be forgiven. “Move on,” some people will say.

    You must not forgive him. You must respect yourself enough to know that this you cannot do. Anyone who would ask you to forgive him is not worthy of your association. And yet you must not calcify into an uncharitable, withdrawn, fearful, and unforgiving person. Do not allow that to be another thing he has done to you, another one of the rape’s effects. Protect yourself from swimming in your own bitterness.

    There will be friends who tell you it is your duty to forgive that man. They are wrong. There will also be friends who tell you that his conduct impugns all men, that every man must be guilty because he is. They, too, are wrong. Both of these protestations are absurd. Heeding either one would cripple you. This isn’t easy.

    There will be days when every man on the street looks to you like a rapist. Do not belittle what your rapist did by implying that all men could have done it. They could not: he is freakishly cruel, freakishly entitled. Withholding forgiveness in this case makes it more meaningful when forgiveness is given in other cases, in the rest of life. Trust and forgive others as a testament to the fact that his evil is unusual, that he is a monster, that most people — most men — could not do what he did.

    You are safer now than you were before: you understand the threat accurately.

     

    Savagery and Solidarity

    I

    There are facets of my being of which I am ashamed, but the love of my people is not one of them. (Reader, hear me out.) The bond is primordial, though I am under no illusion that its primordiality exempts it from thoughtful consideration and the question of justification. It has nothing to do with biology: peoplehood does not reach that deeply. The species precedes all the peoples, all the differentiations, even if they go to great pains to disguise this humane fact. A happy childhood surely had something to do with the formation of my national love. I was raised to be a loyal son of my people, and this instruction, much of it unspoken, delighted me; to this day I tingle at the sight of a Torah, and I cheer when my plane hits the tarmac at Ben Gurion airport. I do so unthinkingly, because expressions of profound affiliation are often made prior to reflection, the way happiness at the sight of someone I love does not await a process of validation. Long before politics enter the picture, I respond with a visceral joy to the feel of the soil of the land of Israel beneath my feet, and to the sight of its punished stones and its giddy deserts and its voluptuous forests and its cathartic sea; my very senses feel Jewish, even if I know better. For me this land will always be the land, though I am not at all against sharing it. For the sake of my brothers and sisters who live in it, I long for the day when it will be peaceably shared. And Hebrew is my island paradise; a portable paradise, a paradise unlimited by place, which is the most perfect paradise of all. I have loved it ever since I heard it.

    Some of my teachers taught me that my people is a chosen people, but at home I was taught self-esteem more than superiority, and anyway the belief in chosenness got tangled up early on with vexing questions about the alleged chooser. I once heard a distinguished American rabbi tell his congregation that Jewish history is “the story of a God who fell in love with a people.” We do flatter ourselves. Who could believe in such a pushover of a God? I was fortunate that my parents elected to provide for me an immense education in my people’s tradition and history and language, because nothing corrects arrogance so much as knowledge. As I acquired a familiarity with that history, moreover, I came to be schooled in a saga of sorrow. At a chillingly young age I learned to speak the language of lamentations, all the way up to the murder of my parents’ own families in an extermination that ended only seven years before I was born. So this is not a completely sunny love.

    For a while in my youth I lived chiefly in the Jewish shadows, and was swayed by hideous supremacist ideas. My people had recently been decimated, and I wanted to feel big and menacing. I thought I was loving my people when I was hating other people. But as I studied more and experienced more of what was bequeathed to me, the conceit of superiority, the romance of militancy, became not only ugly in my eyes but also gratuitous. It was enough that my heritage was incalculably rich and deep and beautiful; it did not need to be better than everybody else’s. The comparative impulse bespeaks an insecurity about the value of one’s origins that I utterly lack.

    A man who spends his days hating his origins is not a free man. Of course I recognize the dignity in alienation and the necessity in rebellion, and I believe that a life that ends exactly where it began is a wasted life. But over the decades I have grown suspicious of the psychodrama of identity, of recreational dissent and glamorous infidelity. I accept my duties, or many of them; I do not wish to see my patrimony die on my watch. It was not supposed to reach me, except miraculously; it surmounted many centuries of obscene obstacles to make it all the way to here and now; and so I have a solemn responsibility of stewardship. My people’s anxiety about survival is not a hallucination, even if it is not all we need to know about ourselves and our circumstances. The anxiety can be politically abused. We now possess power in various forms, including state power, which means not only that we can protect ourselves from hurt but also that we can inflict hurt on others — a vast ethical challenge that is still preferable to the vulnerability from which we so long suffered. The world has made morbidity very tempting for us. A large portion — too large, sometimes — of our culture is consecrated to commemoration; we are a mourning people. What we love is what’s left.

    When I speak of my love, I am not saying that my tradition is perfect. There is no such thing as a perfect tradition. When the Talmud does not fill me with awe it makes me cringe. I am saying rather that I feel lucky to have been born a Jew. This feeling of my good fortune — what is luck but a godless version of providence? — extends to almost the entirety of the Jewish universe. I say almost, because Jewish civilization, like every great civilization, holds many things within itself, and like every great civilization it contains nonsense and prejudice. Moreover, the notion that nothing Jewish is alien to me — to narrow, and thereby betray, Terence’s humanistic motto — makes no sense to me; it is mere ethnicity. I have in my time gladly participated in all kinds of quarrels within my community. (It helps that the tradition includes a reverence for controversy.) Even in settings of love, judgements must be made. And yet the love that I am describing surpasses even bitter arguments. It inculcates in me a solidarity that is almost feral.

    Is this sentimental? Without a doubt. I cry easily — when I take my son into the hall in Tel Aviv where David Ben Gurion read the Declaration of Independence; when, in The Garden of the Finzi-Continis, the Jewish grandfather and the Jewish granddaughter are swiftly separated from each other in a round-up; when, in a strange ceremony on the holiday of Sukkot, willow branches are beaten in a spirit of purgation after the cantor has chanted “the voice of the messenger proclaims, he proclaims and says” — but there is no voice and no messenger and no proclamation; when a large crowd of Israelis sing all the words to Yehuda Poliker’s wrenching song about a deported Jewish girl (“Who will sweeten your nights? Who will harken to your cries? Who will guard your steps along your way? Take a jacket, you’ll be cold”) as he and his guitar lead them from the stage; when the Yom Kippur candles are lit alongside a small sea of memorial lamps, and the room fills with the living and the dead; when I put my father’s prayer shawl on my son’s shoulders, thereby scoffing at the Babylonians, the Assyrians, the Romans, the Crusaders, the Inquisition, the Cossacks, the Nazis, the Communists, and the jihadists; when I hear the voice of Moshe Koussevitsky, and of Daniel Kahn and Sveta Kundish performing Woody Guthrie in Yiddish; when there comes into my possession an important sixteenth-century edition of a classic work of Jewish philosophy that was in the library of the Hasidic dynasty in Poland who for generations commanded my family’s devotion; when I watch footage of Bayard Rustin ardently defending Israel, and the possibility of brotherhood appears less fictive; and when nothing in particular happens at all, except that I am suddenly assaulted by a sensation of the tremendousness of the good and the evil that preceded me. If all this is sentimentality, it certainly did not come cheaply. It takes place in a charged atmosphere of unrelenting resonance, with signs and signifiers, words and images, principles and practices, everywhere zephyring round. It is not without its standards of rigor and its requirements for toil. Unlike the worst sentimentality, it abhors laziness, or so I like to think, and the easy gratifications of what Americans call “affirmation.” I take my Jewish pleasures from more than cuisine and comedians. A sense of magnitude must be maintained. But I am not embarrassed that I like to sing along, especially in Jewish languages. I could hardly mistake my people’s story for a song.

    The first task of love, its most urgent charge, is safety. I want my people to be safe. Historically speaking, safety has been exotic for them, almost utopian. In the exile there were periods of peace, but they cannot be called periods of safety. Just a short while before we beat those willow branches in synagogue, which in last year’s Gregorian calendar was on October 6, we recited a series of late antique litanies, and one of them describes the Jews as “the people that says I am a wall.” That is the authentic Jewish fantasy, not for the end of days but for the middle of them: security. Those words are preceded by the formula hoshana, hosanna, or “please save,” as in “please save the people that says I am a wall,” because the people that says I am a wall discovered in its historical experience that it is not a wall, and so it has come to beseech divine protection. Still later in its historical experience, however, this people made another discovery: that it will not be a wall until it makes itself into a wall — until it takes its fate into its own hands. The truly redemptive moment for every oppressed group is the recognition of its own historical agency. In the modern era, the historical agency of the Jews was exercised in a variety of revolutionary projects, and the most successful of those projects, the one that offered them a haven of their own in which they would be free to defend themselves and flourish in a land to which they have a historical right, was Zionism. Among other things, Zionism is a theory and a practice of Jewish security.

    I am a Zionist because I am a Jew. Zionism is a conclusion that I draw from my study of Jewish history. Other conclusions may be drawn, obviously; but the non-Zionist ones scant or ignore what we know about the consequences of Jewish powerlessness. There are many currents within Zionism, as there are within any nationalism, and some of them, most consummately exemplified now by Benjamin Netanyahu and his sordid and incompetent government of racists and clowns, are anathema to me, though I am the son of a man who revered Jabotinsky and liked to recall the great man’s visit to his hometown in Galicia. But before we get to the struggle for liberalism and democracy within Jewish nationalism, there is the struggle for the physical safety of Jews. Any Israeli policy that endangers the Jews who live in Israel is a betrayal of Zionism. It corrodes the state’s reason for being. I have all my life opposed the settlement of the West Bank — the words “Judea and Samaria” do not titillate me — for many reasons, including my belief that the combustion of religion and nationalism mutilates them both, but the main reason is that finally the settlement project endangers the state. It thwarts a reconciliation with the millions of Palestinians who already inhabit the territory. Morally, the occupation has grossly stained Israel, which has supported the settlers slavishly in all its post-1967 governments, and looked away from terrorist acts that settlers commit in the name of anti-terrorism, such as the Jewish rampages on the West Bank during the recent Gaza war. An apartheid-like reality has been created between the river and the green line. Yet the folly of the settlements is a strategic blunder, too. Ask the Israeli army about the alleged contributions of the settlements to Israeli security. If coexistence with their Palestinian neighbors becomes impossible for the Israelis, darkness awaits them.

    If it is the case that anything that jeopardizes the Jews who live in Israel, by robbing them of their majority and their sovereignty, is a repudiation of Zionism, then the “one state solution,” which imperils the Jews who live in Israel by eventually dissolving them in a Palestinian majority, so that the gates of their haven may one day be shut to them and their brethren, is a repudiation of Zionism; though at least its proponents say so. And if just the absence of the two-state solution endangers the Jews who live in Israel, by sustaining the conditions for violence and war, a status quo that promises regular paroxysms of death and destruction, then the absence of a two-state solution is also a betrayal of the ideal of Jewish security, and a repudiation of Zionism; though many of the proponents of the status quo, the cunning ones and the complacent ones, call themselves Zionists. First and foremost, I am a Zionist because I do not want any more of my people to be killed. As I say, I love them. And I fear for them. If we wish to keep a Jewish haven, we must agree to a Palestinian haven. The establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Jewish state is a plain matter of Jewish prudence, and of a Zionist interpretation of Jewish history.

    One of the most piercing lessons of the modern age is that that there is no doom like statelessness. Why is this so easy to understand about the Palestinians and so hard to understand about the Jews? The Jewish state is a secular entity created by secular people — there is nothing holy about it, though some religious Zionists may differ, and shame on those who worship states and whose souls are quenched by flags. The need of the Jewish people for a state of their own, and their right to one, must not be mistaken for a form of state-worship. It is a rudimentary condition of their survival and their development: it is nothing more, but nothing less, than a state. Almost since its inception there has been a debate within Jewish nationalism between “cultural Zionism” and “political Zionism,” as if there is a contradiction between the protection of Jews and the flourishing of Jews, and it was not until the 1940s that the aspiration to statehood became a Zionist consensus. (If this had been achieved a decade or two earlier, large numbers of European Jews might have been saved.) But now, on the Jewish left, which in recent years has been inspired by its concern for the Palestinians to tear down all kinds of right and precious and hard-won Jewish understandings, there has emerged a proposal even more indifferent to Jewish security than the one-state solution. It exchanges Jewish self-determination for Jewish self-exile. It is called the “no-state solution.”

    The author of this call for Jewish self-disempowerment is the progressive nebbish and scholar Daniel Boyarin, in a book called The No-State Solution: A Jewish Manifesto. Boyarin begins his book with a sentence of almost unbearable pathos: “After literally decades of obsessive thought about ‘the Jewish Question,’ I seem to have gotten myself into an aporia.” The aporia — the pickle — is this: Boyarin found himself stuck between his commitments “to full justice for the Palestinians and to a vibrant, creative Jewish national culture.” It seemed to him that “the only way to fulfill the latter dream is to support the existence of the State of Israel, but clearly the existence of the State of Israel makes the latter dream impossible.” Wrong and wrong; wildly wrong. But since, as he candidly admits, “a Jewish connection to progressive causes was a precious legacy of the Jewish folk itself,” Boyarin elected to become “an active anti-Zionist.” What this means for him is that insofar as the attainment of Jewish sovereignty in the land of Israel is premised on a definition of the Jews as a nation, such a definition must be renounced in favor of the characterization of the Jews as a “diaspora nation.” Embrace the anomaly!

    “I seek to replace those negative conceptions of diaspora,” Boyarin declares, “with one that sees diaspora as foundational to the character of Jewish existence and a source of its cultural and political vitality.” Never mind that the negation of the diaspora, one of the axioms of early Zionism, was long ago consigned to the dustbin of Jewish history. The homeland long ago realized that the existence of a diaspora makes it stronger. Anyway, the internal diversity of the Jewish people is not owed to any political arrangements. Boyarin recommends for his people a model of “autonomy…within a context of sovereignty shared by others,” citing Édouard Glissant: “Consent not be a single being.” (Glissant was referring to the internal multiplicity of a person, not to the external multiplicity of a polity.) There have indeed been eras in which nations flourished autonomously within larger non-national entities, such as the Hellenistic world and the Hapsburg world, but what kept the peace was precisely that sovereignty was not shared; it was exclusively held by imperial authorities. And even in those autonomous idylls things did not work out splendidly for the Jews.

    In one of his earlier books Boyarin extolled the “subaltern status” of the Jews. He has no quarrel with weakness. He regards it as an improving influence. And he thinks that Jewish culture in the exile was worth the risk. He rightly points out that the greatest accomplishments of Jewish civilization were created in the exile, beginning with the Babylonian Talmud and proceeding to the astonishing religious and cultural development of medieval Jewry. This correlation has been widely noted, and it certainly deserves to dampen classical Zionism’s hostility to the Jewish experience in the exile; but Boyarin is promoting a correlation into a cause. George Steiner used to peddle a similar “extra-territoriality,” the same insistence upon judging politics culturally; he demanded to know why no Kafka emerged from Israel. Of course no Kafka emerged from France, either. Boyarin, too, is a fanatic for culture at any cost. “Instead of Jewish pride — whatever that might mean, but I’m sure it’s not good — I propose Jewish pleasure, Jewish joy,” and he lists the cultural sources of his happiness, the “languages, practices, songs, holy days, literature, political comradeship (Black Lives Matter).” Heaven forbid that his comradeship be misconstrued as steadfastness toward his own! He even includes among his Jewish joys “the joys of transgression,” as if Jewishness should be admired for its own violation. These are “all the things that add up to my most outrageous coinage, Jewissance.”

    Quel Jew d’esprit! For all the morbidities of Jewish life, however, who, except maybe some mitnagdic extremists, is against pleasure and joy? And there is another problem with Boyarin’s program of Jewish pleasures, as there is with mine: it is idiosyncratic, it cannot be “scaled.” Our children must be taught more than our preferences, even our exquisite preferences, and our communities too. Since its beginnings but especially since the Hasidic revolution, Judaism has displayed a phenomenal talent for communal joy, but there is something about Boyarin’s jouissance that, like all jouissance, is characteristic only of himself. As a program for a people, it is prescriptively useless. Meanwhile the voluptuary no-statist is serenely untroubled by the physical destiny of his brethren. For someone whose work has been so preoccupied with “the Jewish body” — there is not an academic fashion of the last forty years that Boyarin has not imported into Jewish studies — he is bizarrely indifferent to its corporeal fate. And he says so! “I categorically reject the nation-state solution to the continuity of Jewish existence in favor of a diasporic nationalism that offers not the promise of Jewish security but rather the highly contingent possibility of an ethical collective existence.”

    Not the promise of Jewish security. The blitheness of the formulation is memorable. Is Jewish security really a trifling consideration? Who is Boyarin to consign his people to such a high level of risk, to a permanent dispensation of insecurity, so that he can delight in his four cubits? Rather like the haredim, he is one of the righteous who count on others to come to their rescue when the going gets rough. Nowhere does Boyarin explain why “ethical collective existence” in a state is impossible, or why a state cannot do the right thing and make peace with its neighbors. (It is true that no states are perfectly good, but neither are any people. Not even on the left.) It is also worth adding that “ethical collective existence” is not easy to achieve even in associational frameworks that are not statist — in civil society and in everyday community. Boyarin simply cannot imagine that people who lack political power, stateless people, victims, may also commit crimes. In this, he is a man of his current. To exempt victims from accountability for their actions is another way of dehumanizing them, of expelling them from our moral universe; and it has been one of the singular failures of the left in our time not to grasp this.

    But perhaps the worst failure of Boyarin’s doctrinaire imagination is his refusal to engage with the most pressing question, not only for Israel and the Jews but also for many other countries and other peoples: the question of multiethnic democracy. He is hardly the only one devastated by his aporia. (One may suffer from an aporia and not know it.) Many observers in many societies have noted that the old European ideal of the nation-state, according to which every nation must fit tidily into a state and every state must exclusively incarnate a nation, so that the political boundaries and the cultural boundaries coincide, is increasingly inadequate and dangerous in a world of mass migrations and heterogeneous societies. There are no ethnic and cultural monoliths now, as if there ever were. There are only two possible solutions to the problem of pluralist realities and monist ideologies: fascism and a multiethnic definition of the political nation. (Some scholars have proposed the replacement of the concept of the nation-state with the concept of the state-nation.) The contest between these alternatives is the central drama of many contemporary nation-states, including Israel.

    Given the proven consequences of Jewish statelessness, and the proven threat to the Jewish state, Boyarin’s anti-Zionism— like all the anti-Zionism of the Jewish left, like all Jewish anti-Zionism — represents a collapse of solidarity with his own people. So, too, does his lack of interest in anti-Semitism, except to reiterate the tired and increasingly false platitude that it is not to be confused with anti-Zionism. An anti-Zionist indeed would be at a loss before an explosion in anti-Semitism: after all, anti-Semitism looks awfully like a confirmation of Zionism’s historical necessity. At Jewish Currents they mock “the anti-anti-Semitism machine.” The left has the peculiar idea that the fight against anti-Semitism is somehow antithetical to the fight for the Palestinians. The left also has the peculiar idea that no fight in the world is more important than the fight for the Palestinians. I do not recall progressives marching for the Syrians or the Uyghurs, who have endured much harsher fates. I have been agitating all my adult life for justice for the Palestinians, because my conscience requires it of me and because my people will have no peace if their people have no peace. But what is it that now elevates their struggle above all the other struggles in this sickening world? Observing the progressive response to the black Sabbath of October 7, it is increasingly tempting to conclude that what distinguishes the Palestinians from the world’s other victims, and entitles them to a greater parcel of the world’s sympathy, is that the state with which they are in conflict is a Jewish one. If anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism, then why are so many anti-Zionist expressions anti-Semitic? How is the cause of Palestinian liberation furthered by a swastika painted on a synagogue or a firebomb thrown at it? Why do protests against Israel’s policies include the vilification and harassment of Jews? The distinction between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism has become almost completely casuistic — progressive pilpul. The overlap — on social media, in the streets, on the campuses — between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism has become truly disgusting. After the foul response of the left to October 7, the burden of proof is now on the anti-Zionists. No amount of sympathy for Palestinians can justify this amount of antipathy to Jews.

    On the morning after we beat the willow branches in the synagogue, we awoke to the news of the carnage in southern Israel. Decency demands only a natural response to the incineration of babies and the beheading of pensioners, and it is revulsion. It need not be eloquent or conform to a worldview. It need not know the identities of the victims. It need only be immediate; clear and immediate. What the left could not muster in the wake of the atrocity was precisely the clarity and immediacy of natural revulsion. Instead its revulsion, when it came, was awkward and tactical, as when Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez told Politico that “it should not be hard to shut down hatred and antisemitism where we see it. That is a core tenet of solidarity.” Before such horrors, tenets? She had to check the catechism and assure herself that she was not deviating from it. A simple recoil would have been fine. And yet, in n + 1, she was attacked for her concession to compassion. That same journal published, on October 11, at the beginning of a standard-issue anti-Israel piece, the following mental contortions. It is a clinical document of the political regimentation of the human heart. (I should disclose that in The Nation its author wrote a devastating attack on this journal from which it is still trying to recover.) The progressive Jewish writer, his stereotypes suddenly compromised by the mass murder of Israelis by Palestinians, begins this way:

    I could start with the immediate victims of the incursion — the hundreds of Israeli civilians murdered by Hamas, the most Jews killed in a day since the Holocaust; revelers butchered at a music festival, whole families snuffed out in an instant; the young and the elderly alike violated, mutilated, kidnapped, and held hostage for a ransom that may never be paid. I could, and now I have, but why did I feel compelled to start there? Maybe because I’m a Jew, an American, a Westerner living under the protection of laws and a vast military apparatus that undergirds those laws, and it’s only natural for me to identify first with people like me when violence is inflicted on them. Maybe it’s a gesture of support for my Jewish relatives and friends who feel personally traumatized, and who insist on a brief window in which to grieve without having to consider any wider political context. Or maybe I want to acknowledge that based only on the confirmed facts, what took place on Saturday was gruesome on a level that dwarfs anything we’ve seen inflicted on Israeli civilians. In the current discursive climate, it seems mandatory to dwell on these horrors before I say anything else, to establish that I’m a decent human being who neither endorses nor averts my eyes from Hamas’ depravities. I hope I’ve sufficiently established this, and at the same time I know I haven’t, that acknowledgment isn’t the solidarity many are demanding right now. Real solidarity would mean skipping over the next part.

    I almost pity the man, so mentally servile, so emotionally pinched, so monstrously unkind about the burned and the raped and the abducted. Perhaps he really was unmoved by the bloodletting and disinclined to seek a humane pause in his belief system. But then we do not live in an era of humane pauses. Now nothing precedes politics and nothing throws politics into crisis.

    This deformation is especially advanced on the left. I cannot recommend too highly a piece in Dissent, published on October 13, by an American economic historian at the University of Chicago named Gabriel Winant, called “On Mourning and Statehood.” It may be the most vicious thing I have ever read, and I drive these mean streets. The subject of the piece is “the power of the Israeli grief machine.” The Israeli dead, you see, are shrewdly “pre-grieved,” in order that “the state will do what it does with Jewish grief: transmute it into violence.” Four days after the slaughter of Israeli civilians, Winant explained that Israeli sorrow is a strategy, a training for Israeli aggression. It is the alibi that allows Israel to “gear up its genocide machine,” since “a genocide of Palestinians looks to be in the works.” Does he comprehend the meaning of the term “genocide”? In this semantic sloppiness, of course, he is not alone. Where he distinguishes himself is in his heartlessness. Not everyone can spot the colonialist agenda of shiva. “It is not possible to publicly grieve an Israeli Jewish life lost to violence without tithing ideologically to the IDF.” What? I see Arabs and Muslims doing precisely that, in stirring avowals of human solidarity. And, on the same universal grounds, it is possible to grieve an Arab Muslim life lost to violence without tithing ideologically to Hamas.

    Indecency is a choice; a choice to harden. The mechanism of this hardening is the enslavement of one’s being to one’s politics. Winant continues: “How to grieve, what meaning to give those tears, is cruelly a political question whether we like it or not.” How twisted that is. Anyway, he seems to like it, because just as “the Zionist adventure” has political uses for Jewish mourning, so does he: “Imagine that every shiva might become an occasion to curse the state that has made Jews, of all people, into genocidaires.” I have no idea if Winant is a Jew or if he has a shiva in his future. If he is, and if he does, I wish him a genuinely miserable one.

    II

    In the days immediately after the butchery, I was blinded by pain and anger. And, I confess, by hatred too: anyone who does not hate those who riddle babies with bullets do not grasp what they have done. The fury of my feelings owed something also to the fact that the murder of a Jewish baby figured prominently in my mother’s experience at the hands of a notorious SS sadist in Poland during the war. I was, you might say, spectacularly triggered. Everything within me was hot. On October 7, Benjamin Netanyahu, who is ultimately responsible for this staggering Israeli defeat, posted this: “As Bialik wrote, ‘Revenge for the blood of a little child has not yet been devised by Satan’. All of the places which Hamas is deployed, hiding and operating in that wicked city, we will turn them into rubble.” It was the language of vengeance — “mighty vengeance,” as he later said. I admit that I understood it.

    The poem by Bialik, a poet of intimacy who was also a poet of wrath, was one of a number of ferocious poems that he composed in the wake of the pogrom that was perpetrated in Kishinev, in Russia, on April 19-20, 1903, an event that had an enormous impact upon Jewish culture and politics. “My heart is dead, I have no prayers left on my lips.” Many commentators on the Hamas massacre have invoked the Kishinev pogrom as an analogy, so an important difference is worth noting. The number of people who were murdered in 1903 was forty-nine. The number of people who were murdered in 2023 was twelve hundred. And there is another difference: this time the molested community can defend itself. It cannot be repeated often enough that self-defense is a high moral duty. The shirking of this duty, the preference for powerlessness and perfectly clean hands, bespeaks an infirm identity and a rank cowardice. One way to understand the emergence of Zionism and other nationalisms is as a doctrine of self-defense. Passivity had run its ruinous course. Hope may save souls, but no bodies were ever saved by it.

    Of course, abuses and aggressions may be committed in the name of self-defense, but the respect for oneself that is the basis of the imperative of self-defense should be large enough also to confront one’s misdeeds, and the misdeeds of one’s group. One must make oneself worthy of respect in one’s own eyes, too. Anyway, self-defense is warranted not only by inner realities but also, and mainly, by outer ones — by the presence of danger. All the imagined threats in the world do not vitiate the real ones. From the standpoint of safety, the recognition of enmity, especially of the racist and genocidal kind, is the first consideration. The question about the ethics of the means of self-defense should follow close behind. 

    Bialik’s poem was called “On the Slaughter,” which was a bitter allusion to the “blessing on the slaughter” that is recited by Jewish butchers when they kill a kosher animal according to the precepts of Jewish law. “Hangman! Here is a neck —/arise and slaughter!/ Behead me like a dog, yours is the arm and the axe/ and the world is my scaffold—/ We, the few!/ My blood is permitted — smash the skull, release the blood in the murder/ of infants and elders/ which will stain you for all time, forever.” I have my own history with the terrifying poem. In May 1970, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestinian-General Command, a small and wantonly violent organization based in Damascus, attacked an Israeli school bus near the Lebanese border. Twelve people were killed, nine of them children. This was early in the era of Palestinian terror, and the event was completely shattering. In my Zionist yeshiva high school, classes were canceled and the entire student body was summoned to an assembly, to honor the dead and fortify the living. I was one of the students who spoke, and I chose to read Bialik’s poem and to say a few words about it. I still recall the shudders with which I recited the verses. When I finished, I was approached by one of my teachers, a stern Israeli rabbi who had rebelled against his legendary father, one of the titans of haredi Judaism, by becoming a Zionist and an admirer of the Irgun and a soldier in the Israel Defense Forces. Rabbi Shach had tears in his eyes. He put his hands on my shoulders and said: “Promise me that you will always be this way.” I felt as if I was being inducted into an army of Jewish anger.

    Revenge is not a salient theme in the Jewish tradition, but it is more salient than many Jews imagine. It appears in the Book of Lamentations, and in various places in the prayerbook, and most familiarly in the Passover Haggadah, which includes a solemn moment, apparently medieval in origin, in which a short collection of verses imploring God to avenge us upon our enemies is read. There is a custom to pronounce these imprecations in a hushed tone; some people interpret the sotto voce as an appropriate discomfort with the virulence that they express, but I have always thought that the lowered voices originated in caution, lest they be overheard — another instance of Jewish insecurity. In recent decades, scholars have documented many expressions of Jewish rage that survive only in manuscripts, many of them written in the wake of particular persecutions. Here, one example out of many, a published one, is Hillel ben Jacob of Bonn in 1171, on the massacre at Blois: “How long will You be an impotent warrior? Fight our fight and spill their blood/ O God of vengeance, appear!” Yet the rage was literary and spiritual, and intended only for the synagogue; Jews were too vulnerable to curse audibly, and they lacked the power to retaliate. The cost of retaliation would have been catastrophic. And so the persecutors had little to fear from the persecuted — except an alternative to their faith, which they feared rabidly.

    Stirring instances of Jewish defiance of Christian symbols are recorded, as courageous as they were reckless, but this was all the resistance that was available to the dissenters, and almost always they died for it. As a modern scholar quietly observed almost a century ago, “It is clear that they were indiscreet, but one must remember that they had not yet learned the self-effacement which the subsequent centuries were to teach them.” The Jews often called their post-Biblical oppressors Amalek, the archetypal enemy whom we must always remember and whom we have always not yet defeated, the foe that has haunted the Jewish imagination from its beginnings — all the way, for example, to 1996, when Mordecai Richler wrote in a memoir that “many of Amalek’s descendants can no doubt now be found organizing for Hamas in the Palestinian camps of Khan Yunis, Rafa, Jabalia, and Gaza Town.” The Biblical injunction to “erase the memory of Amalek” certainly looks like an incitement to murder, but it was honored solely in rhetoric and in symbolic action, such as inscribing the word “Amalek” on a stone and then erasing it. In a regular exercise of their craft, Jewish scribes tested their quills by writing “Amalek” and then crossing it out. Vengeance!

    In the modern era, however, after large numbers of Jews repudiated the quietism that had characterized their ancestors, Jewish avengers appeared. In November 1938, a young displaced Jew named Herschel Grynszpan, whose family had been deported from Germany along with many others who were wasting away at the Polish border, murdered a Nazi official in Paris “in the name of twelve thousand persecuted Jews”; the result was Kristallnacht, though Grynzspan’s action was less the cause of the pogrom than the pretext for it. (Enlightened reader, here is John Rawls, a few years before he died: “How important is it that my life be saved had I the chance to assassinate Hitler, had I the chance? It’s not important at all. I have thought a lot about those times and wondered whether I would have the courage and guts to do it. Certainly such acts are not easy. It seemed to me a grave fault in the German resistance that they were so much bothered by scruples against assassination, or against killing as such, or against attacking the head of state.”) In Mandatory Palestine, the Irgun and the Stern Gang rejected the policy of “restraint” in the use of violence and killed innocent people for political reasons. In the years of the Holocaust, there were impassioned arguments for and against revenge in the Jewish community in Palestine.

    In the aftermath of the Holocaust, there were a variety of Jewish groups that sought revenge, who, in the estimate of the fine historian Dina Porat, comprised about two hundred and fifty survivors in total, and were responsible for the deaths of a thousand to fifteen hundred people. The most renowned of these groups was founded by the poet Abba Kovner, one of the heroes of Jewish history for leading the Jewish underground in the Vilna Ghetto and then brigades of Jewish partisans in the forests nearby. Nakam, or Revenge, formulated horrific plans for indiscriminate mass poisonings that thankfully came to nought. (Many of its members later admitted that they were relieved to have failed.) In the early 1970s in New York, the Jewish Defense League resorted to violence in the cause of Soviet Jewry and killed a woman who worked in the office of an impresario who represented Soviet musicians. Jewish settlers on the West Bank have committed terrorist acts against Palestinians, some of them grotesquely brutal, almost since they arrived in the territories, and most recently in their anti-Palestinian rampages during the war. And then there is the history of Israeli retaliation for Palestinian terrorism. Many more people died in Israel’s retributions than in the crimes that provoked them. This was so also in the recent Israeli incursion into Gaza, in which ten thousand Palestinians were killed in a month for one thousand two hundred Israelis who were killed in a day. Asymmetrical warfare presents a dire challenge to just war theory. But if this disproportion is in part strategic, so as to “re-establish deterrence,” it must be said that deterrence has never been re-established for long.

    So meekness is no longer the Jewish problem. But neither, really, is vengefulness. Alongside the history of Jewish wrath there is the history of Jewish circumspection, and usually it has carried the day. Here is a remarkable example. On July 30, 1945, Haim Ben-Asher, later a member of Knesset from Mapai, the democratic socialist workers’ party, wrote a letter to his wife from Kaiserslautern in southwest Germany. Ben-Asher was serving in the Jewish Brigade, a military unit of Jewish soldiers from the yishuv who wished to fight alongside the British in Europe. When the Brigade crossed into Germany, Ben-Asher was shaken to find himself on its soil, and sent his wife an account of his thoughts.

    No revenge will satisfy us. It is not for us to fulfill the mythic command to avenge ourselves on Amalek, because ‘the Lord is at war with Amalek from generation to generation’ [Exodus 17:16]. Revenge for the blood of a little child, has not yet been devised by Satan: this was Bialik’s prophecy, but he knew nothing of what was to come. The mythic responsibility, the collective responsibility, of Amalek and all its descendants — as a practical matter the ascription of such a collective responsibility gives me no rest. Are we to kill babies to punish the entirety of Hitler’s nation, which condemned our babies to the gas and the fire? It is not easy to be a humanist. But is this not a weakening of the desire to avenge a million children, the descendants of Abraham? What would the British and the Americans do if a million of their children had been condemned to such a fate? A child for a child — is this a commandment or a barbaric need? For me this is a question for my own conscience, whether in action or inaction. And in truth I don’t know where the truth lies. Since it very difficult for a man who was raised on the principles of the sanctity of life and personal accountability for one’s actions and opposition to the death penalty and the redemption of the holy spilled blood in Bialik’s poem by means of an abundant love — it is very hard for such a man to consider the commandment to seek a redemption in blood, particularly in the blood of children, and so I have no certain standpoint or criterion in my heart with which to arrive at a determination of conscience.

    “It is not easy to be a humanist,” said a Jew with a gun in Germany in 1945. That may be the most poignant utterance in the history of Western humanism.

    In a magical moment of the sort that only multiethnic democracies can deliver, Ayman Odeh, an Israeli Arab politician and a member of Knesset, pointed out on October 19 that in the heat of the moment Benjamin Netanyahu had misread Bialik’s poem. (As had I and my teacher in 1970.) Standing alone, the poet’s famous line — “revenge for the blood of a little child has not yet been devised by Satan” — gives an impression of bloodlust. It took Odeh to point out that the poet is not calling for revenge, but despairing of any adequate response to radical evil. The poem’s theme is the futility of revenge.

    In his declaration of war on Gaza on Oct. 7, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel quoted a line from a poem by the Jewish writer Chaim Nachman Bialik. Revenge for the blood of a little child has yet been devised by Satan,” Mr. Netanyahu posted on social media. Perhaps the prime minister forgot what Bialik wrote just one line before that: “And cursed be he who cries out: Revenge!” Or the next lines: “Let the blood fill the abyss!/let it pierce the blackest depths.” These days I find myself asking what the poet meant by this. Bialik wrote it after learning of the horrors of the 1903 Kishinev pogrom.

    An Arab politician wondering what a Hebrew poem can tell him about a pogrom committed by Palestinians against Israelis. All is not lost.

    III

    In circumstances of loss and defeat, honor seems to demands anger, but acting on anger may bring dishonor. Wrestling with anger is one of the inevitabilities of sorrow. It is wise to assent to sorrow, but it is not wise to assent to anger. On October 7, calm, and a knowing aversion to zeal of any kind, would have been the mark of a deficiency in love. Hysteria seemed more like the proof of a loyal heart. Yet the instabilities of mourning cannot provide sufficient guidance for the days after the destruction, especially when the mourner has the power to destroy. Indeed, in the Jewish tradition the mourner is regarded as a temporarily marginal figure, almost as a pariah, because the blow that he has sustained exempts him from full and responsible participation in society. He is too hurt to focus. His mind is dimmed by his anguish. He awaits the restoration of stability. But the world will sometimes not allow mourners the time that they deserve, and they must return to their duties wounded, and before they are healed. Such a situation demands enormous psychological exertions, a moral maturity quickly improvised and regularly tested, as in sending a mourning army to war.

    In the weeks after the atrocity, when the size of the planned Israeli retribution was becoming clear, I tried as hard as I could to persuade myself that an Israeli invasion of Gaza would be a mistake. Already the loss of Palestinian life from the Israeli air campaign was horrendous. In my thinking about the calamity, I did whatever I could to keep my head; I resolved to look at the videos of the scorched and bloodied Israeli communities only once. How I wished, when I saw the images, that I could acquiesce to my darkest impulses! But really I did not wish it at all, because there remained the living. It struck me that reason is never more necessary than when it is least likely. As a consequence of the lives that were just taken — this was a part of Hamas’ depraved plan — more lives were about to be taken, Palestinian and Israeli, and one had to think clearly. The moral stakes were too high to make do with emotional satisfaction.

    And so, as I say, I tried to persuade myself that a lighter Israeli response would be the better course. I failed. I do not see how Israel, or any state, can agree to live alongside an organization — no, it is more than an organization, it is a failed undeclared state with a totalitarian government and a powerful regional patron and a violent racist ideology and a vast and ingenious capability for terror — such as Hamas. Like all of Israel’s friends, I agree that Hamas must be destroyed. Yet something about that formulation disturbs me. The destruction of Hamas would come at a terrible ethical cost, which all the ethicists who consult to the Israeli army cannot forestall. It is true that Hamas, when it kills civilians, targets them, and Israel, when it kills civilians, does not target them; but civilians are nonetheless killed, and in atrocious numbers. And in fact the moral calculus is even more excruciating: Israel most certainly does target civilians, in order to strike at the villains behind — or more precisely, beneath — them. Does shooting through someone not count as shooting at someone? Is self-defense a license for self-delusion?

    Peruqa le’sakanta?! Or, are you serious?! Stop arguing about the danger and eliminate it! That incredulous intervention occurs in the Talmud in a technical discussion of wine — sorry, this is my custom. An ancient rabbi insisted that his colleagues were overthinking a danger. But it is precisely in the face of danger that such impatience is, well, dangerous. Hesitation is not always born of indecision, and “getting on with it” can be stupid. There are better and worse ways, more effective and less effective ways, more costly and less costly ways, more justifiable and less justifiable ways, to meet a threat. Strictly speaking, the blame for all this violence falls on Hamas, because if October 7 had been a quiet Sabbath all of the dead, Israeli and Palestinian, would now be alive. There is no “context” that can absolve Hamas of this culpability. It started this war. But that does not mean that any Israeli target list will do. Strategy is made by choosing between options, in both means and ends, and strategic choices must have valid reasons. The culpability of one’s enemy is a historical consideration, not a strategic one, and it does not bear upon the moral analysis of war-fighting. What makes a war just is not only its cause but also its conduct.

    There was something else that troubled me about certifying the destruction of Hamas as the objective of the war — not a moral or a strategic scruple, but a practical one. I am not a military man, but I do not see how it can be done. Those infernal tunnels are sixty-five feet under large portions of Gaza, and may be the most formidable obstacle that the Israeli army has ever faced; and as I write there are almost certainly hundreds of hostages in them. How did the Israelis allow an underground city to be built? If the intention is to destroy the tunnels from the air, then the ordnance required for the task is a promise of war crimes. And if from the ground, it will take an occupation. Moreover, Hamas does not exist solely because of the patronage of Iran. It exists as a consequence of something that Israelis of almost all political persuasions have increasingly refused to face for many decades: the Palestinian problem, about which more presently. Hamas is the degenerate face of the Palestinian problem. (And the problem — I hasten to add, since in the first month of the war there were alarming fantasies of moving a million Gazans into Sinai, as if it was for their own good and they would have ever been allowed back — is not that the Palestinians dwell there, two million in Gaza and three million in the West Bank, but that they are politically disenfranchised.) It is foolish, it invites trouble, to announce a goal that you may not be able to accomplish. Perhaps it would be smarter to seek only the punishment, the crippling, and the deterrence of Hamas, though the latter aim has suddenly become more challenging than anyone, including Israeli planners, ever imagined. I recall ruefully all those decades of calling for the destruction of the PLO, which committed many terrorist atrocities. The hard truth — hard for a state that has amassed enormous military force to protect its people against strong and determined enemies who do not give a damn about Grotius — is that there is no military solution.

    Threat assessment is where collective memory and empirical analysis meet. That is its difficulty, certainly in the Jewish case. The mental modes do not go comfortably together. They are, indeed, antithetical to one another. Collective memory is supremely unempirical, even though it usually has a distant basis in events. It is an editing of the past to conform to certain needs of the present. It does not treat history factually but symbolically, for the sake of the edification, or the vicarious living, or the belonging, that it can provide. Everything that is “remembered” in collective memory is less complicated than it actually was. But the force of collective memory is astounding: it is perhaps the primary instrument of coherence for a community. What was particularly wrenching about October 7 was how immediately, and how plausibly, it found a place in the collective memory of Jewish adversity: it was not without precedent. It obviously belongs on the dark and hallowed roster of our catastrophic precedents. (But it was not Auschwitz or Bergen-Belsen, and it should be beneath the dignity of a Jew to pin a yellow star on himself.)

    For threat assessment, by contrast, every detail matters. The criterion of inclusion is wider, the principle of selection is broader. Every particular is relevant. Concreteness and specificity are the holy grail of the information that it seeks. The collection and evaluation of intelligence has its own epistemological protocols, and they include a ruthless hunt for biases, for assumptions and sentiments that get in the way of clarity. Collective memory must be counted among those intellectual impediments. Whatever the merit of “the lachrymose view of Jewish history,” which in the aftermath of the Hamas pogrom has become more popular in the Jewish community, it avails us nothing for an accurate understanding of a present situation. Strategists must be strangers to philosophies of history. Excitability is the wrong preparation for planning. We must operate in the weeds, and the weeds have no use for the clouds, even if we prefer to live in the clouds. (I certainly do.)

    Last winter I travelled to Israel because I wanted to march with my friends against Benjamin Netanyahu’s authoritarian program, and against the debasement of the state by its government of thugs and bigots. Those Saturday nights in the crowd outside the President’s House in Jerusalem were exhilarating: I had never before witnessed a mass mobilization for liberalism. Liberals are usually too measured and too refined to turn up in the streets, but there they were, in large numbers, undaunted by the rain, carrying the national flag like democracy’s flag, concluding every demonstration with the singing of the national anthem as if daring the other side to match them in their national feeling. Sooner or later every society must fight over its identity, because too many people want too many things that do not go together, and social peace is attainable only on the other side of conflict. The politics of first principles are volatile. The protests in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv and elsewhere represented such a struggle over first principles, rightly provoked by the prime minister’s self-interested decision to break the philosophical compact between Israeli liberals and Israeli conservatives that underwrote political contention in Israel for all the years of its existence, and instead ignite the lowest and ugliest energies in Israeli life and invite them to rule. Before he was the man responsible for the worst failure of security in Israeli history, Netanyahu was the man responsible for moving Israel into the company of the countries in which ethno-nationalism and intolerance was usurping liberal democracy as the public philosophy of the state. He is a curse on his country, a curse with a base. The protests are a popular attempt, even a populist attempt, to roll back the curse, and one of Zionism’s finest hours.

    But something was missing. I noticed its absence almost immediately. There was no mention of the Palestinians. I had heard that in Tel Aviv some people brought Palestinian flags to the demonstrations and they were harshly received. In Jerusalem, on the nights when I was present, a small group of young people with Palestinian flags stood apart from the crowd at the top of Palmach Street, because they were not welcome. In the most divisive period in the history of Israel, there has been a national consensus on one point: that there is no point in talking about or with the Palestinians. “There is no partner.” The subject of the Palestinians has vanished from the discourse of the Israeli center and from a lot of the Israeli left; it is never discussed by Yair Lapid or Benny Gantz, because it would be impolitic. Whatever their consciences tell them about the Palestinian issue, their pollsters tell them that there is nothing in it for them.

    The political reality of the indifference to the Palestinians is owed to an understandable exasperation, half a century old, about ever finding a solution. One of the many causes of the collapse of the Israeli left is that the Palestinians held a veto over their political fortunes, and they falsified and embarrassed the hopes of the doves. There is no partner. Oslo failed. Mahmoud Abbas is in the eighteenth year of his four-year term. And life must go on. The sizzle of the “start-up nation” is preferable to the grind of the conflict, even if no algorithm will ever solve the most pressing problem that Israel faces. And meanwhile the Israeli right forgets nothing, and keeps the Palestinians in the forefront of its mind, in hostile and hateful ways. The settlers and the vigilantes and the annexationists have the field to themselves.

    October 7 delivered a terrible blow to the Israeli sense of reality. The failure of the military and intelligence apparatus — three thousand Hamas terrorists on undefended Israeli territory! — will undoubtedly be examined by commissions of inquiry, even though the hollow man in the prime minister’s chair will do everything he can to frustrate such an examination; but there is a larger historical conclusion that may not emerge from any official inquiry. It is that mehdal 23, or the debacle of 2023, was an ineluctable result of the decades of growing Israeli indifference to the misery of the Palestinians. There were Israelis and Zionists and friends of Israel who had warned of the perils of postponing the reckoning with Palestinian rights and Palestinian realities, who had implored the leaders and the citizens of the Jewish state to wake up to the future that lies in store for them if they fail to engage and to reconcile with the five million Palestinians with whom they live.

    It is also true that the Palestinian leadership never covered itself in glory in the matter of peace. Its tragic pattern of maximalism and prevarication was apparent at the very beginning of what used to be called the peace process: if, in 1978, Yasser Arafat had accepted Menachem Begin’s ideologically insulting offer of five years of Palestinian autonomy followed by statehood, a Palestinian flag would have been raised over the State of Palestine in 1983. (The real State of Palestine, not the phony one to which the United Nations bizarrely refers.) The suffering of the Palestinians has never induced them to suffer also the pains of compromise. Like the Jews once were, before they fought an internecine war over partition and the acceptance of what was possible, the Palestinians are the prisoners of a dream, a tenacious and deadly dream in which the Israelis, too, are trapped.

    The idealization of the Palestinians — aren’t kheffiyehs cool? — is not a contribution to progress. But I hardly mean to suggest that the State of Israel in recent decades has been in hot pursuit of a peace. Not at all. While the Palestinian Authority balked and balked, the Netanyahu governments harbored deadly dreams of their own. In collaboration with the pathetic Abbas, Netanyahu did whatever he could to discredit and destroy Salam Fayyad, the Palestinian leader for whom all well-meaning people had prayed: a good and sensible man, a builder of institutions, a man without hatred. In a culture of ideological extremism, the technocrat is the real revolutionary. (I remember a meeting in Ramallah in which the extraordinary Stanley Fisher, then the governor of the Bank of Israel, was conferring with Salam Fayyad on the Palestinian Authority’s annual budget. A glimpse of the end of days.)

    But mainly the Israeli policy on the Palestinians has been to settle the West Bank and to do whatever it could to protect the settlements. It would be hard to exaggerate the grip of the settlements over Israeli politics and over the priorities of Israeli governments. The structure of Israeli politics, which awards large power to small parties, has enabled the settlers to determine the composition of governments, and they have been fetishized by the Israeli right. You would think they are Trumpeldor. The consequent distortions abound: on the morning of October 7, for example, seventy percent of Israel’s troops in uniform were on the West Bank to protect the settlers. Whole families hid in bomb shelters armed with kitchen knives as they waited to be saved by soldiers who were on the other side of the country doing more important service. For decades Israeli national budgets have reflected a similar distortion, in which colossal sums of money have been appropriated for the small numbers of Israelis, heroes in their own eyes and always aggrieved, who have chosen to live in occupied territory and do as they wish. They wag the dog, and wag it, and wag it. It is a long tale of madness, in which the interests of the state are nowhere to be found. This, too, was exposed by October 7: the perverse strategic concept of Netanyahu’s Palestinian policy was to strengthen Hamas at the expense of the Palestinian Authority, because the Palestinian Authority governs the West Bank and might complicate life for the settlements, and it enjoys international recognition and diplomatic support. It also recognizes Israel, in blatant contradiction to Netanyahu’s diabolization of the Palestinians. Hamas, by contrast, is merely a well-armed theocratic dictatorship consecrated to the annihilation of Jews — and, after all, there was a fence.

    Never before has the need for wisdom in Israel-Palestine been greater and never before have the prospects for wisdom been more meager. Some of the suppositions that were shattered on October 7 should stay shattered. Aside from a thorough renovation of the foundations of Israel’s security, nothing more constructive can emerge from the ashes of those kibbutzim than a new readiness to confront the Israeli-Palestinian question. If the Palestinian leadership shows no sign of a similar readiness, then Israelis should go above and around it to the Palestinian people, and create civil ties that will prepare the ground for an eventual negotiation in good faith; and if the Palestinian leadership shows even the slightest sign of a similar readiness, Israel should pursue the opening as if its life depends on it. The nasty little game of withholding Palestinians’ tax revenues should end, and so should the systematic humiliation of them, and more generally the entire long era of pusillanimity toward them. The Palestinian population must be weary of this conflict; they have their own bourgeois dreams. Five million people are not barbaric Judeophobes pining for martyrdom.

    The military might of the Jewish state exists not only to win and deter wars, but also to underwrite a search for peace. The settlers’ point of view must once and for all be distinguished from the state’s point of view; but such a correction of perspective will involve a postwar reconstruction of Israeli politics and — here is where the spirit always sinks — political courage. Israel is right to insist that Palestinian behavior matters as much for a resolution of the conflict as Israeli behavior, but the time is past when pointing the finger at Ramallah counts as a serious policy.

    Not even the messianic age will be an age without vigilance. Enmity is an ineradicable attribute of human affairs. Certainty will turn ugly when it tastes power. Difference will never be a natural source of comity. Ideals will disappoint, and nourish, and disappoint, and nourish. And war — does it bring wisdom? Alas, not often. Yet the Jewish tradition has some encouraging things to say about the relationship between grief and generosity, about the ethical benefits of broken hearts. It expects mourners to be improved by their mourning, to return to the world to do good. The world has need of them, even if it is not worthy of them. There is no other place where good can be done.

    Statehood and the Jews

    The State of Israel recently celebrated its seventy-fifth year of existence. If someone had told us way back in 1948 that the country would count nearly ten million people as its citizens, eight million of them Jews; that it would lead the world in technological innovation; that it would be a regional superpower — we would have told them to keep dreaming. Of the countries founded in the era of decolonization, Israel has been one of the most successful, in spite of the intractable Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But in the past year, barely the blink of an eye in the state’s existence, the Israeli government and its prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu have been trampling and traducing the hard-won achievements of numerous governments. They are undermining the economy and scaring off foreign investors, leading to a devaluation of the currency and to global financial institutions losing confidence in Israel, a country which until recently had been considered a pillar of stability and good governance in a part of the world famous for instability and poor governance. Worst of all, they are generating a profound rift, a terrifying chasm, within Israeli society, the likes of which we have never witnessed before.

    There is something magical, in Jewish history, about the number seventy-five: the two independent Jewish kingdoms that existed in the Land of Israel in antiquity each lasted about that long. Both were conquered by powerful empires that ruled the region. From the east came the Mesopotamians, Assyria and Babylonia, and then from the west came Rome. The Israelite commonwealth and then the kingdom of Judea refused to make peace with foreign rule, so they revolted to restore their independence. The Jewish population typically split into two large camps, the peacemakers and the warmongers. Those spoiling for a fight usually carried the day. A traditional Jewish prayer states that “we have been exiled from our land on account of our sins.” This encapsulates a truth even for the non-religious: internecine fights between moderates and extremists are usually won by the latter, who invite imperial wrath upon them both. A lack of political shrewdness, an inability to maneuver between great powers, and a tendency to value extreme positions are what led to our great national tragedies in the past. The Jewish propensity to duel over trivialities, to defy authority, and to schismatize — we have a veritable gift for schism — brought about the downfall of the Jewish kingdoms of the First and Second Temple eras.

    The Zionist movement was ambivalent about the Jewish revolts of antiquity. On the one hand, an emergent national movement needed heroes who embodied a refusal to accommodate themselves any longer to circumstances. On the other hand, Zionism was rational and pragmatic in its pursuit of realizing the impossible — the establishment of a modern Jewish polity in the Land of Israel — by shrewdly taking advantage of current realities rather than working to deny them or overturn them. Zionism existed in tension with itself: it aspired to change everything about Jewish existence, from language, culture, and daily living to the collective self-image and the image projected to non-Jews, while uneasily working within the political status quo, with those in power, first the Turks and then the British, to achieve its goals. This tension was an expression of the longing for national pride and Jewish resurgence coupled with the sober recognition that the world cannot be changed overnight even in an historical emergency, and that in the meantime one must locate fissures and opportunities in the present state of affairs to exploit in order to make the Zionist dream a reality.

    Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai, in the first century BC, who abandoned Jerusalem when it was under Roman siege to found a yeshiva in the coastal town of Yavneh, was spurned by Zionist myth as a weakling who was resigned to reality and capitulated to the strong. Instead the Zionists turned Masada into an emblem of strength and fortitude. Shimon Bar Kokhba and his rabbinic patron Rabbi Akiva, who declared him the long-awaited Messiah, were idolized by Zionists. Recall, though, that Judaism itself might have been defeated with Jerusalem if Rabbi Yohanan had not dissociated it from the holy city and made it portable, and that the courageous garrison of Masada died by mass suicide, and that the Bar Kokhba revolt half a century later resulted in destruction and carnage on a far more massive scale than occurred during the original Judean revolt. Moreover, Rabbi Akiva did not have a monopoly on the identification of the Messiah, but dissenting voices, like those of most moderates, were lost in the clamor of the extremists. 

    One can admire the courage and the freedom struggles of zealots over the generations, but the significant historical fact is that the survival of the Jewish people was owed not to them but to their opponents. Masada became an integral Zionist symbol of strength only in the twentieth century; for two thousand years the tale of mass self-immolation languished in obscurity and Jewish culture was more or less indifferent to it. From its very inception, then, Zionism has been split between the admiration of defiance and self-sacrifice and the recognition of the need to work within the confines of reality by means of realpolitik

    Modern Zionism was founded as a secular cause by intellectuals and activists who had a broad European education and had been exposed to the nationalist currents blowing through Europe in the nineteenth century. The Zionist ideal of returning to the land of the Patriarchs, however, is not at all modern. It is deeply rooted in Jewish tradition, which is fundamentally religious. There has always been a dissonance within Zionism between the secular nationalist project of self-liberation, anchored in the modern world and the unique problems that it poses for Jews, and Judaism, which serves as the oldest justification for such a movement of return and restoration. As we will see below, some fundamentals of Israeli culture originated in the Jewish religion and were reconfigured by the secular movement, but their religious source was not forgotten.

    Jewish history has had its fair share of messianic moments, in which the derogatorily named “false Messiahs” fomented uprisings that expressed the aspiration of an exiled, downtrodden people to reverse its fortunes. While Torah-observant Jews disavowed these attempts to “force the end,” which is forbidden by the rabbis in the Talmud, the Zionist movement was satisfied to claim these failed attempts as its unlucky precursors. The flame burning for redemption had never sputtered out, even if the fires that flared now and then amounted to no more than a passing excitement. Zionists knew they had to be careful with this flame, because the hottest part was fueled by an eschatological fervor and could quickly consume everything. They had to channel it in a controlled burn, to inflame passions and excite practical activism without inviting catastrophe. The messianic ardor was reduced to as low a flame as possible without extinguishing it.

    The old antisemitism had maligned the Jew as an unassimilable foreign body in the heart of the nation. Emancipation and the granting of equal rights to European Jewry were predicated on the Jews identifying themselves with the modern nation in which they lived. The majority of Jews in Western and Central Europe accepted this invitation to some measure of self-erasure and adopted the majority culture and way of life as their own. When a new antisemitism reared its head in the final quarter of the nineteenth century, it did not target the old Jew, the ultimate Other who could not be (and refused to be) incorporated in the larger society, but the new Jew who did as he was told, who spoke the language and partook of the culture and wanted nothing more than to be a patriot. The new hatred zeroed in on an ineradicable, essential difference: race.

    The Jew was derided as a parasite feeding off the gracious and vigorous host nation, for he could not create a country of his own. He offered nothing in return for sapping the strength of the host country because he would not work the land or take dirty jobs, and he used every artifice conceivable to avoid military service. He positioned himself in the middle class and selected an occupation that made use of his education, financial savviness, or cultural production (although his art was deemed distorted and “degenerate” and not an authentic expression of the folk or nation). The Jew, in the characterization of modern anti-Semites, was enfeebled and would take no risks. He did not set out past the frontier to discover new lands or to bring civilization and prosperity to the wilderness. The Jew was far too preoccupied with his money.

    These stereotypes perturbed Theodor Herzl and like-minded Jewish intellectuals, especially when Jewish surnames were featured prominently in headlines about global financial scandals. Their most fervent desire was to restore Jewish pride, and Zionism was the means to do so. It would transform the image of the Jew from a confidence man and a free rider into a self-sufficient state-builder and a tamer of wastelands. This Jew would win the respect of non-Jews. Jewish socialists, especially the Russian narodniks whose motto was “going to the people,” brought to Zionist ideology a deep yearning to build the land with one’s own hands. The Jew would not establish his state on the backs of others, like the British and French colonialists who abused their local subjects. No, he would build it himself, with his own work, first and foremost by cultivating the land. In the early twentieth century, the new arrivals in the land treated tilling the earth with an almost religious reverence and idealized agricultural settlement as the makings of a utopia. Now the Jews would be like every other people and autonomously fill out the entire social and economic spectrum, thereby creating a model society. 

    In the land of Israel, Jews gave the lie to the antisemitic caricature of the Jewish leech. Jews worked the soil, built a society, and took up arms with bravery. They displayed creativity and persistence, exceptional talent and sacrifice, showing the world a new kind of Jew, the intellectual and the worker wrapped in one. But could he (and she) found a state that would endure? Well, seventy-five years have passed since Israel’s creation, and it has weathered many crises. Yet how many years will it live beyond this birthday? About ten years ago I attended a lunch at the faculty club of Columbia University with Professor Rashid Khalidi, the noted Palestinian scholar. After exchanging pleasantries, he said to me: “You are like the Crusaders. In the end, you will disappear from Palestine. It is only a matter of time.” Is that what will become of the Jewish state? The Arab wars to rid the land of its Jews certainly have not succeeded. What, then, is the current threat to the Jewish state?

     When the establishment of a Jewish state was in the works, Jews had to undertake massive projects and ventures, the likes of which they had not been involved in for two millennia. For the first time in a very long time, they had to constitute organs of government with genuine political power, forge the character of an independent polity, establish a judicial system, conduct diplomacy, establish an army. It was wartime, and discussions about the nature of the government of the state-to-be and the relationship between its legislative, executive, and judicial branches were thin. The institutions of the yishuv, or the Jewish community in Palestine prior to statehood, were run democratically, and this administrative framework was carried over to the newborn country, without anyone pausing to question it. Immediately, however, the truly novel question of the state’s relationship to religion was raised. Previously, in exile under kings and lesser potentates, Jews sometimes had been granted autonomy, and those in charge of their affairs, the communal elders or notables, had run the community within a socio-religious framework. In the modern period, by contrast, the grip of the collective on the individual weakened, and Jewish rule, when it existed, followed the same general trend.

    A new question was on the table. What would be the character of the country? What value system and what body of law would it follow? In 1947, most of the yishuv was secular, but they had been raised in religiously observant homes. A single generation separated them from religion. Accordingly, they adopted the trappings of Judaism and reworked them into national symbols. The calendar would naturally be the Jewish one with its holidays and festivals. Rituals marking the transitions from cradle to grave typically assumed the traditional form: circumcision, bar mitzvah, betrothal and marriage under a huppah, burial according to Jewish rites. The festivals took on a new cast: Passover became the rite of spring and the celebration of freedom; Pentecost, or Shavuot, the holiday of the first fruits (which, by Biblical command, were brought to the Temple on this festival); Tabernacles, or Sukkot, came to commemorate the stockpiling and enjoyment of the harvest; Hanukkah commemorated the national victory over the Greeks and the establishment of the Hasmonean dynasty in a Jewish kingdom. They reinvented traditions that they imbibed with their mothers’ milk so that they would accord with modern sensibilities and the new national spirit. In public, religious freedom was the rule: one could keep the mitzvot or not, as one pleased. In the 1920s, there was huge debate over women’s suffrage, which the Haredim, the ultra-Orthodox, strongly opposed, but the religious ultras were fighting a losing battle and had to come to grips with the full participation of women in political life.

    Secularism was on the rise as religion was everywhere in decline. The Haredim were a small and weak minority in the land. Before World War II, they were vehemently opposed to Zionism. On the cusp of the state’s creation, they scrambled to find a way to join the Jewish collective. Ben-Gurion wanted to present a united Jewish front to the United Nations General Assembly when the partition of Palestine would be decided. For that reason, he signed an agreement upholding the status quo, which granted Orthodox Jewry control over life-cycle events determining personal status, namely, marriage and divorce. (This essentially ratified an arrangement that dated back to Ottoman rule, under which the Jews were defined as a religious community known as a millet, and which was later confirmed by the British.) Agudath Israel, the rabbinical organization that represented the ultra-Orthodox, a community that had been nearly wiped out in the Holocaust, was permitted to choose four hundred scholars who would devote themselves to Torah study and thereby be exempted from the draft. At a time when religion was on the wane, Ben-Gurion and his colleagues considered the Haredim a vestige of the past that would eventually disappear.

    When, in 1948, Israel was founded, representatives of the religious parties signed its Declaration of Independence. God is not mentioned in this founding document, but towards the end there is a reference to belief in “the Rock of Israel,” which can be construed as a reference to God or to the Jewish people. The declaration speaks of the State of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, but it also explicitly establishes the equality of all citizens and enshrines freedom of religion, gender, culture, and language. Today the protest movements increasingly view the Declaration as the potential basis for an Israeli constitution. The nation’s first elections were held in the autumn of 1949 and the new parliament was supposed to draw up a constitution. This never happened, because the notion of the equality of Jews and non-Jews before the law met with opposition from religious constituents, even at this early stage. Ben-Gurion chose not to open that can of worms in a country that had just taken its first breaths, which led to the glacially slow passing of “basic laws,” laws about rights that together would come to constitute a corpus equivalent to a constitution. Was this a historic mistake? If circumstances had been different, might a constitution have been written?

    The British Mandate left the State of Israel its legal system, which, mutatis mutandis, served as the foundation of the judiciary. The vast majority of Israelis did not hail from democratic countries, so the principles of equality before the law and the supremacy of the law were alien to them. They were more used to obedience to the law than to defending the rights of the individual or fighting for equality. The Israeli legal system came into its own through trial and error. Thus the right-wing judge Benjamin Halevy could declare, after Israeli security forces claimed to be just following orders when, in 1956, they massacred Arab citizens in Qafr Kassim due to a curfew violation, that one may not obey a direct order that seems dubious or excessive or troubling, and that one who does unquestioningly obey such an order cannot escape punishment by bumping responsibility up the chain of command. To take another example: when, in 1953, the Communist newspaper Kol HaAm published a relatively minor criticism of the government, Ben-Gurion ordered it shuttered. This led the Supreme Court to decide that freedom of expression trumps an executive order, and the paper was back in business. (This was the first judicial ruling that cited the enumeration of rights in the Declaration of Independence as legally binding.) One can see, then, that the decisions of judges and the Supreme Court became precedents that nudged the Jewish state onto the path of liberalism. This was not orchestrated from above, with the Israeli leadership meeting and deciding on the details of the judicial system or the exact separation of powers between the branches of government, in the way that the Constitution of the United States or the many constitutions of France were conceived. Israel was more like England, in which practice and precedent substituted for an elaborate document.

    With the founding of the state, the Israel Defense Force was given a monopoly over military personnel and matériel. When, in June 1948, only weeks after the state had been declared, a ship called the Altalena anchored off the coast of Tel Aviv carrying arms for the Irgun, a paramilitary group headed by Menachem Begin that refused to accept the authority of the army of the new state, Ben-Gurion ordered the ship sunk. This act has assumed an almost mythological import for the Israeli right, which deems it unforgivable. But it was the sinking of the ship that eliminated the possibility of politically affiliated armed groups and militias and established the authority of the central government in the young state. The subsequent dismantling of the Palmach, an elite military unit of the Haganah, the forerunner of the Israeli army, which was allied with the left, further hammered in the fact that there would be only one military with a single structure of command. While Begin recognized the fait accompli, other splinter groups plotted for another reality, in which the regime in charge would look quite different. The underground movements of the 1950s were a holdover from the past, but what was new was their messianic ideology and their dream of a theocracy.

    The same first decade of statehood saw a mass influx of immigrants that shifted the makeup of Israeli society. Most of them were from Arab countries and did not experience the hardships of the war or the suffering that Holocaust survivors did. The new state’s efforts in bringing them to Israel were extraordinary, and the immigrants expected the Jewish state to welcome them with open arms. One can imagine their surprise when they encountered a foreign culture, unfamiliar languages, and the squalid conditions of the transit camps for new immigrants. The gulf between expectation and reality became a breeding ground for bitterness and resentment, which stubbornly persisted even when life improved. The horrible experience was transmitted as a kind of transgenerational trauma. Whenever it has seemed like the last embers of discontent might finally die out, some politician comes along to pour gasoline all over them and strike the match to keep the fire alive.

    The most dramatic turning point in Israeli history occurred in the aftermath of the Six Day War. In 1967 Israel defeated its foes so quickly, so decisively, and most of all so unexpectedly, that her citizens were left astonished and breathless, trying to make sense of how a nation under existential threat had suddenly metamorphosed into a regional superpower. For the first time since 1948, Israelis could now traverse the length and breadth of the Land of Israel, from the Golan Heights to the Sinai and from the Mediterranean Sea to the Dead Sea. When, in the immediate aftermath of the victory, Rabbi Shlomo Goren sounded the shofar on the Temple Mount, he reawakened an ancient Jewish sensibility. Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook, a radical and mystical nationalist, and his religious Zionist comrades had already deemed the founding of the state to be the beginning of the final redemption, and now it seemed that the process had taken a great leap forward. Could one hear the footfalls of the Messiah? Yehuda Etzion, one of the future leaders of the Jewish Underground, the band of settler vigilantes that carried out terrorist attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank in the early 1980s, was convinced that Jews now needed to plan to bring down the mosques on the Temple Mount and rebuild the Temple. But only a small fringe group thought in such wild terms. Most Israelis were basking in the afterglow of victory. They assumed that they would have to cede all of the recent territorial gains, as had happened after Operation Kadesh in the Sinai in 1956, so they flocked to what were then called “the occupied territories” to tour them while they still had access.

    An expression of the spiritual upheaval generated by this new reality was the appearance of the Movement for Greater Israel, which called for holding on to the restored tracts of the ancient Jewish homeland. This movement ignored traditional divides between right and left and religious and secular. It included intellectuals, politicians, and some of Israel’s greatest writers, including Nathan Alterman (its driving force), S. Y. Agnon, Moshe Shamir, Haim Gouri, and others. Many opposed this position. The scientist and philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz demanded the return of every last inch of conquered territory. Ben-Gurion, then in retirement, initially recommended giving back everything except Jerusalem, and then excepted also the Golan Heights due to its strategic position. The government at the time was a national-unity coalition that enjoyed widespread popular support due to the astounding victory that it delivered, yet its internal disagreement over what to do with the territories heralded its collapse. When, in 1968, religious extremists seized the initiative and stealthily took over a hotel in Hebron to celebrate Passover, the politicians could not agree to evict them. Would Jews expel their brethren who sought to live in the City of the Patriarchs? The government did not initially approve the action, but in other such cases it did. The resettlement of certain areas such as Gush Etzion, near Jerusalem, was legally sanctioned because it reclaimed Jewish settlements that had been conquered by the Arabs in the War of Independence. The confluence of legal and illegal Israeli settlement signaled the presence of barely visible currents that would eventually determine the course of Israeli history. 

    In 1949, after the armistice of the war of independence, the borders of the state were chiefly confined to the biblical “Land of the Philistines” and “Galilee of the Gentiles.” The historical sites of ancient Judaism — eastern Jerusalem, the Temple Mount, Judea and Samaria — belonged to Jordan. They had long ago constituted the realm of David and Solomon, the battleground of Ahab and Elijah. But in 1967 the Jewish people were unexpectedly in control of the lands of the Bible, of the geographical settings of its powerful and foundational stories, which fanned the messianic expectations that Zionist pragmatism was supposed to have suppressed. Religious Zionist rabbis and scholars had given the IDF a warning against entering eastern Jerusalem: if we go in, they said, we cannot leave. Remember that the partition plan proposed at the Zionist Congress in 1937 had generated heated debate, and was accepted amid forceful objections. That early encounter between myth and pragmatism was a sign of things to come.

    The years between 1967 and 1973 were marked by a bubbly euphoria and a feeling that the Israeli military could not be bested — but anxiety was continuously simmering under the surface. The War of Attrition — an Egyptian campaign of bombardment and shelling that lasted from 1967 to 1970 — had no end in sight, and terrorists were targeting Israelis at home and abroad. The first settlements were established in the Sinai, in the Gaza Strip, and in the West Bank areas devoid of Arab residents, and they were justified on the practical grounds of security concerns. The government was led by Labor, and it accepted the need for a defensible border, that is, for setting the border as far east as feasible. Public debate raged over the emotional and moral costs of the occupation, as well as its toll in human life, but the government would not budge: there would be no withdrawals without signed peace treaties. 

    The Yom Kippur War in 1973 deeply rattled Israeli society, overturning an unshakable confidence in the Israeli army that had shaped governmental policy and the Israeli mentality more generally. The existential dread that Jews had lived with throughout history, especially during the Holocaust, returned. Israel emerged from the war as the victor, but a severely bloodied one. The war was a national trauma that is still keenly felt fifty years on. Talks with Egypt were initiated not long after arms were put down. A peace agreement was struck, and Israel began a phased withdrawal from the Sinai.

    The country’s willingness to pull out of the Sinai gave religious Zionist circles cause for concern. The fact that the Sinai was not part of the historical territory of ancient Israel did not soften the blow. Israel was prepared to return the occupied territories in exchange for peace. Gush Emunim, the settlers movement known as the Bloc of the Faithful, with its base in the yeshiva of Rabbi Kook — founded in Jerusalem by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, the first Ashkenazi chief rabbi, and now the headquarters of his son, the aforementioned Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook, the spiritual leader of the settler movement — stepped into the perceived breach. There was a palpable messianism to this movement, despite the initial participation of secular Israelis. Gush Emunim took upon itself to populate with Jews what it insisted on calling Judea and Samaria. So long as the left remained in power, there was political disunity and vociferous disagreement about such settlement, which Gush Emunim took advantage of in 1975 to put down stakes in Kedumim, not far from Nablus. Then, two years later, there occurred the “upheaval,” as the election of 1977 is known, with the Likud Party emerging victorious. For the first time, Israel was governed by a coalition headed by the right, and Menachem Begin, the right-wing leader forever in the opposition, was now prime minister.

    After the Yom Kippur War, Israeli society had lost faith in the Labor Party’s ability to be the dominant party in Israeli politics. People were ready for change. Begin was resolute about advancing peace with the Egyptians, and his greatest achievement was undoubtedly the signing in 1978 of the Camp David accords, which yielded a lasting peace. Yet history does not look so kindly on two other choices that Begin made, which altered the course of Israeli history for the worse. First, he sponsored Gush Emunim and its plans for settling the West Bank. Under his aegis, twelve settlements were built. While the Gush was relatively short-lived, it got the ball rolling, and roll it did. While the Israeli settlements in the Sinai were eventually evacuated in 2005, the settlements in the West Bank, now called Judea and Samaria, multiplied with the wide backing of the government. (And then of later governments.) Second, Begin brought the Haredi parties into the government on their own terms. These included the cessation of El-Al flights on Shabbat, and, most fatefully, the removal of an upper limit on the number of yeshiva students who may be exempted from military service. These two political moves appear negligible when placed alongside either the spectacular success of peacemaking with Egypt or the dismal failure in the Lebanon War in 1982. In the long term, however, they had an outsized impact relative to the amount of forethought given to them.

     What fateful events led us into the present crisis? Could it have been the war in Lebanon, the first war to be waged without a national consensus, which broke down our solidarity? Or was it the murder of Emil Grünzweig, an officer who demonstrated at a Peace Now rally against the government after returning from Lebanon? What could have fed the intense hatred that provoked someone with no personal connection to the Peace Now activists to lob a grenade at them? Yona Avrushmi, the murderer, admitted it plainly enough: it was the barrage of unhinged incitement against the left. Or perhaps it was the retaliation of the Jewish Underground for the murder of Jews in Judea and Samaria? What began as attacks against West Bank mayors, who might have been implicated in inciting terrorists to murder settlers, devolved into attacks against students at the Islamic College in Hebron and attempts to harm innocents on five Arab buses. One of the plots of the Jewish Underground was to destroy the mosques on the Temple Mount. The chief architect of this plan, the aforementioned Yehuda Etzion, never expressed remorse for any of this. And those were not the only massacres of Palestinians committed by settlers and right-wing fanatics. Maybe it was this terrorism for the sake of sowing terror, which blew past every moral barrier as it picked up speed, that brought us to our present-day scorn of liberal values and our boundless nationalistic egoism. 

    To settle within a population that does not want irredentist neighbors and to force it into an economic symbiosis that has the semblance of peace, or at least of toleration, but which in reality has been foisted upon a hapless population by an occupying power — this is an ongoing source of profound moral corruption, the self-reflection of a society that considers itself master of its domain because of divine promises made thousands of years ago that do not withstand the test of reason. The conceit of “the chosen people” has never before been realized as literally as it has in Judea and Samaria. When a religious minister claims that the Temple Mount is a Jewish possession by virtue of King David having purchased it from Araunah the Jebusite, one may dismiss it as the ravings of one man. But when this same madness serves as the basis for acts of oppression and deception, and divine sanction turns wrong into right, then violence becomes the norm, incitement the language, and corruption the means to a “justified” end.

    During the Oslo peace process, the incitement hit fever pitch. The rhetorical viciousness of the Israeli right would be hard to exaggerate. It was only a matter of time before someone decided to translate the violence preached over the megaphone into action. The murder of Yitzhak Rabin, a sitting prime minister, in 1995, was a watershed moment. Or was it? Maybe the point of no return came the year before, when the Kahanist radical Baruch Goldstein gunned down dozens of Muslim worshippers at the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron?

    Today the settlements are a fact of life. They do not strike us as abnormal, and we altogether prefer to ignore them. The settlers and the army play a never-ending game of cat and mouse: the former try to expand the borders of Jewish settlements and the latter stop them — while simultaneously protecting them. What will be the denouement? Can the clock be turned back on this, or are we on an irreversible track to establishing a single binational state between the two seas? Such a state would have no right to exist. The Jewish state was not founded to create yet another autonomous Jewish society among non-Jews, but to mark off one small spot on the globe where Jews could have their own independent political entity. Bi-nationalism, or a “one-state solution,” is hard enough to sustain in countries where the peoples share the same or similar cultures, religions, and traditions. Can you imagine a small state in which two quarrelling nations are separated by unbridgeable gaps in religion and culture and have been engaged in bloody conflict for over a century? If you stand on the tower at the Tomb of Samuel a few kilometers northeast of Jerusalem and gaze eastwards, you will see a landscape dappled with Arab and Jewish settlements. The former display traditional Arab styles of construction, and the second have tiled roofs, announcing the presence of Jews in areas slated for a Palestinian state. There are about six hundred thousand settlers in Judea and Samaria today. The current government has granted exceptional powers to Bezalel Smotrich, who represents the settlers’ interests, and one expects the pace of settlement to quicken and the brutality to increase on both sides.

    The Haredim present a problem to the peaceful integration of Israeli society no less severe than the settlers. The Haredi sector encompasses Mizrahim and Ashkenazim, Hasidim and Mitnagdim (the Lithuanian opponents of Hasidism). Some men work for a living, usually in education, but most do not. They either rely on their wives, who are the breadwinners with higher-income jobs, or subsist on government handouts. As of this writing, the number of Haredim in Israeli society is approaching fourteen percent. Since Haredi families are large, averaging six children, Haredi children will comprise the majority of school-age children within one or two decades. Their rabbinic leaders insist on maintaining impermeable boundaries between their community and everyone else.

    The current far-right government incorporates the most extreme elements of religious society, and its idea of generosity is to excuse the Haredim from getting a basic education. In Haredi schools, most of which are autonomously run, the children do not learn the disciplines crucial to living in modern society. The core curriculum, which includes Hebrew, English, and mathematics, is barely taught, so that graduates lack even a rudimentary education and earn less in the workplace. There are entire cities of Haredim that live on the dole, and, predictably, they are terribly poor and their residents are woefully unprepared for life in the twenty-first century. If they decide to join the workforce, they are barred from higher-paying jobs because they lack the necessary skills. Haredim do not serve in the army, and their financial contribution to the country is minimal; their low income translates into little or no taxes, meaning that in essence they are living off their fellow taxpayers.

    Once upon a time, the Haredim were a positive and practical-minded force for moderation in government, owing to their concern about “what will the goyim think.” Not anymore. The Haredi sector has become bigoted and looks down on anyone who does not engage in their level of Torah study. Owing to their minimal exposure to the outside world, they believe that their study is national service fully equal to the army service of secular Israelis in delivering the country from danger. Their attitude towards women, gay and transgender people, Arabs, and others is unabashedly phobic and discriminatory. When they are in positions of power, as they are now, they display the insufferable arrogance of a beggar on the throne. Their demographic growth has granted them immense power and they wield that power like a cudgel, all the while ignoring the stark fact that the secular sector bears the celestial lion’s share of the country’s economic and security burden. 

    The current crisis is convulsing Israel along the religious-secular fault line, pitting democrats against messianists. For the first time in the history of the state, the government is all cut from the same cloth. The prime minister, who is being prosecuted for corruption, scraped the bottom of the barrel to form this coalition. He came up with fringe extremists, nationalistic and religious hardliners, open admirers of Baruch Goldstein and self-described homophobes, whom no one can restrain. Netanyahu is working frantically to prevent this gaggle of strange bedfellows, elected due to tactical electoral mistakes by the left, disperse and the government fall. His minister of justice has spent the past year trying to pass reforms that would spell the end of the judiciary’s independence, subjugating the judicial branch to the executive. This would be accomplished by revising the procedure for judicial appointments, so that the government always maintains a majority on the relevant committee, weakening the power of the attorneys general, and curtailing the Supreme Court. The ulterior motive of the “reforms” is to legitimize corruption, prevent the courts from getting involved in cases of human rights, de facto remove the equality of citizens before the law, and give preference to Jews over Arabs in every circumstance. It is against this anti-liberal plan that hundreds of thousands have demonstrated week in and week out for many months. The protesters eschew violence and exemplify civic activism of the highest order. 

    The Israeli right has been fulminating against the Israeli left with its old virulence. From their rhetoric you would think that they are not the ones in power. When air force pilots declared that, should the judicial reform legislation pass, they would not show up for reserve duty, which they regularly fulfill beyond the call of duty by volunteering on a nearly weekly basis, the propaganda machine immediately accused them of treason. A Haredi minister complained that failure to serve in the reserves because of government policy was a step too far, which was rich, as neither he, nor his children, nor his grandchildren, have ever served a day in the armed forces. Aharon Barak, who served as president of the Supreme Court, an internationally renowned jurist who played a very important role in the discussions that led to the Camp David accords, has been outrageously demonized by the right; the eighty-six-year-old Holocaust survivor has been accused of every possible crime by those thronging outside his modest home, despite the fact that he has been retired for decades. The hateful propaganda and fake news promulgated by the right have taken root due to their political influence over Army Radio and the programming of one television channel. The left has tried to give as good it gets, but the right is more wily and their abuse of political power knows no bounds. They are trying to gain control of higher education and the media. The pool of talented people in government, who are unwilling to serve under superiors with no experience or insight, is slowly draining, as functionaries use their clout to appoint utterly unqualified flunkies. 

    The protest movement is comprised of many admirable and essential sectors of Israeli society: financial, technological, military, academic. These are the people who keep Israel safe and bring Israel honor and prosperity. When hi-tech workers band together with pilots, when all the former heads of the intelligence agencies (the Mossad and the Shin Bet) are saying the same thing as the ex-presidents of the Bank of Israel, when business school professors and their colleagues in the hard sciences sound the alarm, all in opposition to what we are decorously calling “judicial reform,” this consolidated force should be assessed qualitatively, not quantitatively. And it should be respected, and not dismissed in the usual populist way as elitist. The mass demonstrations that have been taking place every single week for more than half a year embody the strength of the people; the younger generation has risen up to fight indefatigably for their future, for the future of their children.

    Democracy is not merely majoritarian, and it cannot be reduced to a majority of the voters for the Knesset; it must also take into account the rights of a large minority that pays most of the taxes, puts their lives on the line in long army service, and keeps the country going in every critical respect. The struggle, indeed, is over the very definition of Israeli democracy: is it a majoritarian democracy under which the majority makes the decisions and the minority is stuck with them, or is it a liberal democracy, in which everyone has equal rights and the budget is apportioned equitably? Liberal democracy ensures that the rights of secular Israelis are protected, that the Arab sector receives its just and proportional slice of the pie, that the Haredim do not get special treatment and get away with failing to contribute to the economy, that hospitals are built before yeshivas and settlements. 

    When Chaim Weizmann held the discussions that would eventually produce the Balfour Declaration, he was asked by Lord Balfour: what does a “Jewish state” mean? The question was animated by a concern voiced by anti-Zionists that a Jewish state would mean a Jewish theocracy. Weizmann responded that the country would be Jewish in the same way that England is English. His reply was shrewdly formulated. Unlike the United States or France, England has no separation of church and state. In fact, the church in England is officially Anglican. The national symbols are markedly British: the monarchy, the flag, the national anthem, the ceremonies. And yet all of England’s citizens are equal before the law, and there is no legal discrimination on the basis of religion, language, or race. The enforcement of this equality requires an independent judiciary. Israel has a similar structure, unless the present government succeeds in eliminating it. That is the meaning of a “Jewish and democratic state.”

    Will the protests work? Will we succeed in stopping this disfiguration of Israeli democracy, which was incomparably better and more competent than the twisted governance being pushed by this right-wing government? Until now, Israeli coalitions in governments have avoided ideological homogeneity. Diversity in government expressed a deeply held belief that for a country to endure, its various constituencies must be assigned equal weight. This belief is no longer being upheld. The extremist and messianic actors see this as a ripe opportunity to impose a theocratic and even a fascistic regime. 

    If the government carries out its plan, the ensuing rift will cause many gifted young Israelis to leave. This outflow will not happen overnight. As the country grows increasingly more religious, more extreme, and more isolated from the West, the next generation will seek out a different future. They love their country — even to the point of giving up their lives for it — and they want to live here; but if their country does not want them, they will not stay. And if tens of thousands of the best and the brightest leave, the IDF will not survive the brain drain. Beyond our borders, moreover, our enemies and their strategists are watching what is unfolding here with bated breath.

    The ancient historian Josephus described how the Jewish radicals known as the Zealots burned down the Jews’ food stores during the Roman siege of Jerusalem. The analogy with the new Zealots immediately comes to mind. Those who brand the current government as the one that will bring “the destruction of the third Temple” — are they right? Jews are well versed in figuring out how to compromise and they excel in adapting to circumstances so as to attain an objective, but once again we are watching a historical drama on repeat, in which the extremists seize power and are destroying everything that their predecessors painstakingly built. Rashid Khalidi was wrong. We are not the Crusaders, and we have no plans to leave this parcel of land that we hold so dear. But a doubt nags: will we learn from the past? Will we draw the appropriate lessons from our own history? Or will we again find ourselves beating our chests as we intone that “we have been exiled from our land on account of our sins”? Can the Jewish people hold on to a state?

    Another Country

    On June 8, 2022, when the world finally recognized the atrocities of Russian troops on the occupied territories of Ukraine, I proposed an intellectual exercise to my Facebook friends: “Imagine that a couple of years have passed. Russian war crimes are discussed less and less. Perhaps some war criminals have even been jailed. Those who survived try to forget and just live a normal life, while the media have turned their attention to other events. And then we learn that there was a writer of genius among the Russian troops in Bucha or Irpin, in the Chernihiv and Kharkiv regions. And he writes brilliant prose about all that happened there. You know, without pathos, without excuses, a bit disinterestedly; he describes the horrors almost aloofly, but without covering up them up. (He himself, according to what we hear, didn’t kill anyone.) His genius is undeniable. His book is widely translated and wins prizes. And in bookstores and in libraries, his prose is shelved under ‘Ukraine.’ Ukrainians are furious, of course, but not as fervidly as they would have been in 2022. And who is listening to them? Everyone agrees, of course, that what they endured, what traumatized them, was horrible. And everyone agrees that this great prose, with its roots in a great culture, no matter how tragic the circumstances were, will outlive this traumatized generation. It will outlive the survivors because it has such a great culture behind it.” 

     

    If you think that I was being hysterical in my bleak thought-experiment, I should admit that I did make a mistake: the situation that I imagined came to pass sooner than I expected — it was a matter of only a few months. On August 17, 2022, The Guardian published a profile of Pavel Filatiev, a former Russian paratrooper who published his memoirs on his VKontakte social media page and fled the country. The Guardian also published an extract of Filatiev’s account. He describes the looting of Kherson, and the inhuman conditions that Russian troops endured before invading Ukraine, and how the command to invade “turned us into savages.” And while it is unlikely that Filatiev wrote great literary prose, his memoir is reported to have been sold for three hundred thousand euros after he reached France. It was published in English, French, and Spanish. I don’t know of any Ukrainian writer or soldier who managed to sell his or her works so well. (My PEN Ukraine colleagues confirm this.) 

     

    As in most cases when we in Ukraine discuss Russian and Soviet culture, my Facebook post had addressed two issues, one external and one domestic. The domestic issue was the thorny question of our approach to the cultural legacy of Russia and the Soviet Union. For those few Ukrainian Facebook friends who might not recognize the literary allusion in my dystopian scenario, I added a hint: a photo of the monument to the Bolshevik soldiers of the First Cavalry Budyonny Army near Olesko, about fifty miles from my native city of Lviv. Despite its defeat during the Soviet-Polish war in 1920, the cavalry was glorified and earned a substantial place in the Soviet pantheon. Known as the Red Cavalry, it was founded by Semyon Budyonny and was substantially responsible for the earlier Bolshevik victory in the Russian Civil War. Budyonny later became one of Stalin’s closest associates. 

     

    The monument was huge and ambitious and technically complicated: an eighty-eight-foot-high sculpture of two riders on the top of a hill that jutted dramatically out of the landscape and rose almost directly above the Ukrainian part of the European E40 route (a major highway labeled “Lviv — Kyiv — Moscow” when it was built). The riders were racing wildly, as if they were about to take flight. Whenever I travelled that road, I felt like I was shrinking before the danger that the colossal cantilevered horse and riders would fall on the road at any moment and crush a car. But this monument does not exist anymore. It was ruined in the early 2000s, when its copper and other metals attracted the attention of ideologically agnostic collectors of scrap metal, and despite its protected status under the Ministry of Culture the local authorities didn’t really care about the plunder. In 2015, when Ukraine adopted its “de-Communization” legislation, the rest of the composition was dismantled. 

     

    The fate of this statue, and the fate of other Communist monuments, became a focus of public discussion: what to do if a Soviet monument is also a work of art? The case of the First Cavalry Budyonny Army monument was a fine illustration of the problem. Its construction in 1975 was politically driven: in the same year, the nearby Castle of Olesko was finally opened for visitors after decades of abandonment and restoration. Olesko had changed masters many times since the late Middle Ages, but it is famous mostly as the birthplace of the Polish king Jan III Sobieski, the hero of the Battle of Vienna in 1683. In Soviet times, Olesko was the only castle for thousands of miles around that was accessible to tourists; the others were either in ruins or being used as warehouses or hospitals. The official reason for the creation of the great equestrian monument was the fifty-fifth anniversary of the First Cavalry Budyonny Army (and the nearby mass grave of its soldiers who died there in 1920). But it was also designed as an unambiguous message to Olesko’s visitors: we will grant you a brief glimpse of your European heritage, but don’t you dare forget who the boss is here. I have never seen a grosser visualization of foreign domination than those colossal riders. The monument was a kind of visual rape of the bucolic landscape. 

     

    In the writer whom I invented in my Facebook parable I was alluding, of course, to the case of Isaac Babel, the Odessa-born Jewish writer. Babel wrote in Russian, and he is most renowned for his Red Cavalry and Odessa Stories. The events described in both books take place in Ukraine. Babel was assigned to the Budyonny Cavalry as a war reporter and a political officer. He described his experience with the Bolshevik army in Ukraine in a diary that later became Red Cavalry, an overwhelmingly powerful book, describing the brutality of both the Red Army and the White Guard. The book enraged Marshal Semyon Budyonny and Marshal Kliment Voroshylov, but Maxim Gorky backed the book and so it was published. Babel was safe for some time, safe enough to travel to France as part of an official delegation of Soviet writers. He was loyal to the system: in 1937 he supported the Second Moscow Trial in the Literaturnaya Gazeta, and the agit-prop style of his text, praising Stalin and the Communist Party, was typical of the Great Purge denunciations and propaganda. For a while, as Stalin’s repression of culture grew more furious, Babel tried to lie low, but he was arrested in 1939 and accused of spying, of Trotskyism, and of terrorism. While in jail he informed on other Russian Jewish writers. After a hasty trial in Beria’s office he was shot in prison in 1940. 

     

    Babel was mesmerized by the Bolshevik terror, and also by the criminal underworld of Odessa. His Odessa Stories contributed a great deal to the urban legends of Odessa, and also elevated the “Odessa language” to the heights of literary style. It is hard not to be charmed by the milieu that Babel described with love and empathy, including his most famous creation, the Odessa ganglord Benya Krik, whose real-life prototype, the Robin Hood-like figure Mishka Yaponchik, was both a gangster and a Bolshevik ally, providing them with the support of the Odessa criminal world, an alliance that was quite natural for the Bolsheviks. (Eventually Yaponchik formed his own military unit.) This milieu, so brilliantly romanticized by Babel in his masterpiece, also produced another prominent gangster, once Yaponchik’s accomplice and partner — Naftaly Frenkel. Frenkel, who allegedly was born in Haifa in 1883, was arrested in the Soviet Union for smuggling, and as punishment for his economic success he was sentenced to Solovki, the first camp of the Gulag, in 1923. He quickly rose to become a member of the camp administration, and soon chief of construction of the White Sea-Baltic Canal (Belomorkanal) project, and the head of the Baikal Amur Mainline camp. Frenkel proposed what we now would call “an alternative business model” for the Gulag: he made it profitable, which eventually provoked a demand for more forced labor, and hence more arrests. Unlike Babel, Frenkel was praised, given many prizes, and died in peace in Moscow at the age of seventy-seven. 

     

    It is impossible to deny the magnificence of Babel’s literary genius, but I do not see how he can be called a humanist, and I have a hard time regarding him as an innocent victim of Stalinism. It is true that with the ruthless Budyonny Cavalry he was just an observer, but before that he volunteered to serve the Cheka (the Bolshevik secret police) as a translator during interrogations. He praised collectivization, and his obsequiousness toward the Stalinist authorities, though it was sometimes interrupted by lapses into silence and nervous withdrawal from the literary scene, is well documented. The literary genius was also a political trimmer, or worse. His correspondence shows that Babel was aware of the Holodomor, Stalin’s genocidal famine in Ukraine. There is nothing admirable about any of this.

     

    I know that in the West many people believe that one’s view of a writer or an artist must not be reduced to his or her political history. Moreover, many Ukrainians do not share my hostile feelings toward the Budyonny Cavalry monument. But my reservations are not to be explained away by the stereotype (comfortable for those who disagree with me) of a Western Ukrainian’s hostility to Russian and Soviet culture. Though born in Lviv, the biggest Ukrainian-speaking city of the Cold War world, I went to a Russian school, and I had trouble speaking Ukrainian up to my university years. In the turbulent early 1990s, our Russian teacher seemed to be the only one who took her job seriously, and she drilled us with War and Peace for two months as if nothing outside the classroom was changing. With Russian as my first language, and after decades of reflection on this question, I began to collect anecdotes about the extent to which my Russian-speaking background affects how people inside and outside Ukraine perceive me. 

     

    The question of how to think about Russian culture, and certainly about how a Ukrainian is to think about Russian culture, has of course been sharpened since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Much has been written about this perplexity since the war began, but the main audience for these debates has been in Europe, the United States, or, more broadly, what is called the West. (The war has reestablished the term, and you no longer need a hundred excuses every time you use it.) When some Ukrainian and Central European voices called for a boycott at least of those Russian artists who openly support the war and Putin’s regime, or even for revising Western attitudes toward Russian culture in general, their denunciations were met by a moral panic from some Russians (though some supported the cause) and Europeans. German PEN, for example, concerned about “often deceived and always poorly equipped Russian soldiers who die fighting for Putin’s power fantasies and paranoia are also victims of this violation of international law,” not to mention the fate of Russian writers, including Pushkin and Dostoevsky and Chekhov, published an imperishable press-release called “The Enemy is Putin, not Pushkin” as early as March 6, 2022. 

     

    As if Ukrainians were burning Pushkin and Chekhov. They were not, even after the perpetration of unthinkable cruelties by those “always poorly equipped Russian soldiers.” What actually happened was that Ukrainian libraries and universities were burned. Ukrainian writers were killed and injured. Ukrainian books were replaced by Russian books in the occupied territories. Nobody in Ukraine was oppressing Russian culture. The oppression — the war — went the other way. After the aerial destruction of the theater in Mariupol, its ruins were covered and adorned by huge banners with images of Pushkin and Tolstoy. 

     

    I understand that the readers of this journal cherish freedom of speech and self-expression, and so do I. For these good people, the idea of cancelling a culture is most likely anathema, especially in the American context. Yet I expect them also to be honest with themselves: the American idea of freedom of speech has never been absolute, even if it has been an inspiration to the world. Red lines exist, and some of them are now the subject of intense debate in the struggle over correctness and wokeness and the other attempts to limit what can be said. 

     

    A similar debate about red lines in Ukrainian culture — having to do with the proper attitude toward Russian culture — has been taking place for a long time. It used to be mainly a domestic debate, but it became global with the Russian aggression of 2022. When, in the first days of the invasion, Ukrainians called for the “cancelling of Russian culture,” it meant at a minimum to stop inviting Ukrainians and Russians to Western panels, discussions, and events “to present both sides” and, worse, to demonstrate how culture may “reconcile” us. I share my colleagues’ outrage that such attempts at “reconciliation” are patronizing and ignorant, and represent a certain arrogance on the part of the relevant Western institutions. I also share their concerns about using the war in Ukraine as a pretext to give a platform once again to “approved” Russians, and the readiness of too many of Russian emigres to be the corpse at every funeral, the bride at every wedding, the baby at every christening.

     

    At first the cancellation of Russians may seem reasonable: if you are so eager to cancel someone for “microaggression,” “triggering,” “cultural appropriation,” and other expressions that may hurt the feelings of some people, why don’t you cancel the real villains, the theorists and practitioners of evil, those who openly call for genocide? If you cannot forgive a university professor a dubious metaphor, how can you tolerate an opera singer openly socializing with warlords and visiting occupied territories just a few miles from an actual concentration camp that has been functioning since 2014? How can you be so oversensitive in one case and so undersensitive in another? These are all justified questions. 

     

    And yet as fervently as I support the Ukrainian cause, I believe that cancellation is wrong, and for several reasons. The worst problem with “cancellation” as it is practiced in the West is that, like most political and cultural phenomena in the West, it is concerned mainly with feelings, and it reduces the cause for ostracism to the emotional reaction of people who may have been offended, in this case Ukrainians. Yet this has the situation backwards. Russian culture is not problematic because Ukrainians suffer. Ukrainians suffer because Russian culture is problematic. (Also, explaining anything in terms of “emotional reaction” or “traumatization” is just a passive-aggressive way of telling someone that his or her opinion is worthless. It is arrogance disguised as sympathy.) 

     

    Another reason for resisting the temptation to cancel is the context. The advocates of “cancel culture” in the case of post-2022 (or post-2014) Russia assumed that the Ukrainian cause had been translated into some universal language, and that Ukrainian emancipation would be welcomed by other oppressed groups and post-colonial nations. Alas, this has not been the case. Our hopes for solidarity from the so-called Global South have been greatly exaggerated, at least so far. And finally, the wording is strategically problematic: to “cancel” would mean to sweep the problem under the rug, not to confront it and solve it. And even if cancellation succeeds in evading the problem for a while, it is not sustainable: eventually the horrors of the war will become family memories and lines in the history books, and the next generation will uncritically turn to, say, Tatyana Tolstaya, with all the rebellious energy of youth, facing their Widerspruchsgeist, the spirit of opposition, barehanded. 

     

    That is why I believe we need not a cancelling but a revision, a spirited discussion, a hotwash. By “we” I mean Westerners, not Ukrainians. (We Ukrainians need our own hotwash in the matter of our relationships to Russian culture, but that is another matter.) Why is the justice of the Ukrainian cause — a savage war of conquest was launched against us — not the conventional wisdom in the West, where there are so many chairs in the universities, so many fora, so many media, which could accurately explain, with historical and factual evidence, why the invasion of 2022 happened? Why have we so frequently heard the miserable argument that the Russian war has been against Russia’s rational interests from people whose job is precisely to deconstruct and explain Russian irrationality? Surely it is their job to distinguish reason from unreason. With so much about the war still poorly understood, with so many lunatic theories (for example, that the Ukraine war is really an American proxy war against Russia) still abounding, we need criticism and rethinking, not a lazy cancellation: the Russian imperial past and Russia’s ever-present imperialistic sentiments have never yet faced the scrutiny they deserve in proportion to Russian representation in academia, media, and arts. 

     

    I praise those Russian émigrés who have been capable of reflecting critically on the situation, those with the wisdom and the courage to step back, those who as Russians feel some responsibility (such as the Russian writer Sergey Lebedev, a contributor to this journal). Some of them did whatever they could before they had to leave Russia. Some ended up in prison, such as the Memorial historian Yuri Dmitriev. Some might never return home, and some are in danger even living abroad. But there are so few of them. And while some of my Ukrainian colleagues foolishly believe a boycott should be applied to any Russian, their Western opponents believe the equally stupid view that any Russian deserves the benefit of the doubt. These Western attempts to appoint a few brave dissidents to be representatives of some substantive part of Russian society are not only delusional, they also disrespect the price that these brave Russians are paying for their stand against the majority, the sacrifices that they are making for the sake of someone else’s wishful thinking. 

     

    And what about the dead writers, those who can’t speak on current matters and are said to be instrumentalized by Putin’s regime? The dead writers (and artists and composers) known around the world as Russia’s great culture? 

     

    Some assume that those trying to insulate this Russian culture from political history, who argue that it has nothing to do with Putin, are advocates of Russia for sentimental (“Russophile”) or snobbish reasons. This is a simplification. The president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, is hardly pro-Russian, but in August 2022 she accepted an invitation to the opening night performance at La Scala in Milan of Boris Godunov, and even suggested that Russian culture and the actions of the Russian government should be completely distinguished from each other. Adam Michnik, the legendary editor of the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza and a former dissident, describes himself as a “true anti-Soviet Russophile.” At least he has also proved himself to be a real friend of Ukraine. Yet such examples show that there are people out there who sincerely believe that one can be both: a friend of Ukraine (or Estonia, or Georgia, or any other country attacked by Russia) and “a Russophile,” since the “Russo” part of the word extends only to Russian culture and not to Russian politics, to one segment of Russian reality but not to another. 

     

    The argument that Russian culture has nothing to do with Putin does not hold up. No culture exists in a political vacuum and no political leader exists in a cultural vacuum. In the case of Russian culture, this connection is even more problematic than in the Western world. Unlike European countries, Russia does not have a tradition of checks and balances in its public life — its political order has always consisted in just a monarch or tyrant and his or her subjects. It never had free universities, or even an independent church that could counterbalance the state as it did in the West. Moreover, Russian culture has been inseparable from the Russian state, even when it has been anti-state. The Russian monarchy and then the Soviet monarchy might shower money, invitations, and privileges on Western intellectuals to promote the loyal artists and to protect their political interests, but the inevitable side-effect was that they promoted Russian culture in general, ironically including rebels and dissidents. I know at least one dissident who acknowledges that he survived KGB persecution because he wrote his poems in Russian: “I lived in Kyiv back then, and of course if I were a Ukrainian writer they would just smash me. That means seven plus five. But since I was a Russian writer, I was an older brother, hence good riddance. So an older brother, so to say, got lucky.” 

     

    The glamour of Russian culture in the West preceded the glamour of Russian dissident culture, and prepared the ground also for the welcome that was extended to dissidents and defectors. I do not doubt that Brodsky, or Solzhenitsyn, or Baryshnikov viscerally hated the Soviet system, and of course I do not question their integrity. But even having hated the Soviets with all their hearts, they perversely benefited from the efforts that the Soviet Union (and the Russian Empire before it) had put into the promotion of Russian culture. The whole world knows Solzhenitsyn as the heroic author of a great book about the Gulag, but who knows Gustaw Herling-Grudziński, a Pole who wrote his account of the Gulag, A World Apart, many years earlier? Even an introduction by Bertrand Russell to the English edition in 1951, and the personal engagement of Albert Camus in support of the book, didn’t help it. If you happened to be born in an empire, it was always better to be a metropolitan, not to “live in a distant province, by the ocean.” It was better to be Russian. 

     

    We must be honest about these things. I wish my Western friends, before asking Ukrainians why they might wish to be rid of Pushkin, would ask themselves why they, the Westerners, care so much. Why do they worry about the legacy of Pushkin and Dostoevsky and Tolstoy and the others, but not about the over five hundred destroyed Ukrainian libraries? Why are they stirred by the names of streets but not by the looted Ukrainian museums? Why are they exercised about Russian writers who died in the nineteenth century but not about the Ukrainian writers and scholars who died last year? 

     

    I know some of the answers. First, in the matter of their attitude toward Ukrainian culture, there is the excuse of ignorance. This is perfectly fine as long as you admit it. I know almost nothing about Hungarian writers, and they live next door. Why should anyone be judged for not knowing about Ukrainian writers? The next honest answer would be that deep down you consider Russian culture not only superior to Ukrainian culture, but the only real culture available in this region of the world, and that anyone who rejects, or is even unenthusiastic about, Russian culture is barbarically rejecting culture itself. Here, too, ignorance is at work. I don’t know contemporary Hungarian literature (except a few names and a few books), but I do not therefore suspect it to be inferior to, say, contemporary French literature. I am aware of the diversity of my part of the world and of my limited knowledge of it. In other words, I know how much I do not know. But many “enlightened” Western observers have been perfectly comfortable to see my part of the world stereotypically, as a homogeneously “shadowed land of backwardness.” Exactly as they saw it in the eighteenth century. 

     

    This is the point at which I part company with many of my Ukrainian colleagues in our discussions of Ukrainian culture. Anyone who is aware of the centuries of Russian propaganda and “soft power” — Russians were always very good at this — can hardly assent to the idea that “Russophilia” and the downgrading of Ukrainian culture has been owed to the perfect beauty, the intrinsic superiority, of Russian culture. I do not mean to say, obviously, that Russian culture is lacking in beauty. I mean to say, rather, that the field was rigged. And this has been a problem not only for Ukraine, but also for the region that we used to call Central and Eastern Europe. The “Ukrainian cause” is larger than Ukraine. The historical background for this predicament was exquisitely laid out by the American historian Larry Wolff in 1994 in Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment, a book that deserves to be re-read in these awful days. (It was from Wolff’s book that I borrowed the “shadowed land of backwardness” above.) 

     

    Though Russia has taken pains to shape the Western view of Russia, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, the crucial part of the job was done not by the authorities of this era but centuries ago, by the Russian Tsarinas of the eighteenth centuries — by Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter the Great who hired Voltaire to compose a history of Peter’s reign, and of course by Catherine the Great. Voltaire was in correspondence with Elizabeth’s favorite, the courtier and minister Ivan Shuvalov, who founded many of the central cultural institutions of the state. Shuvalov, particularly in his travels through Europe, did a lot of what today would be called shameless PR for Elizabeth’s successor, the Russian empress Catherine II. Wolff’s book provides rich material from the correspondence between Catherine and Voltaire, as well as other Western European accounts of what would later become Eastern Europe — the product of the eighteenth century’s “diplomacy, cartography, and philosophy [that] operated in a triangular relation of mutual endorsement, reinforcement, and justification.” Even taking into consideration the eighteenth-century context, Voltaire’s servility — not only to Catherine II, but also to Frederick II of Prussia — is embarrassing. Wolff reminds us that “Voltaire’s History of Charles XII, the philosophical foundation for the construction of Eastern Europe, was plainly an account of military conquest” and that its “agenda of international relations shaped the invention of Eastern Europe according to fantasies of influence and domination.” 

     

    It was about power from the beginning. And so it continued: the free-thinking intellectuals Voltaire and Diderot rubbing shoulders with the political and imperial winners, normalizing the vision of the world that served the interests of the monarchs. These relationships are the foundation of the modern tradition of Russophilia and Russian supremacy. Or, to put it bluntly, these Enlightenment mandarins (and others) were given a free hand to disseminate lies about both Russia and unfortunate countries such as Poland, where the Russian army was sent “to establish tolerance,” as Voltaire outrageously described it. 

     

    In his appeal to the Poles, Voltaire (who had never been to Poland or anywhere east of Berlin) mentioned Diderot’s library, which Catherine had purchased and advised Polish “friends” to learn how to read “and then someone will buy libraries for you.” Never mind that in 1768, when the pliable Voltaire was writing, there already was a large public library in Warsaw, one of the first and few in Europe back then. It was looted by Russian troops in 1794, when “establishing tolerance” cost the lives of twenty thousand Polish soldiers and citizens, including women and children. Whatever survived of the great library’s almost four hundred thousand items was brought to St. Petersburg and within a year became the Imperial Public Library. Not everything that constitutes the illusion of the “great European culture” on the banks of the Neva was bought; much of it was stolen. 

     

    Though the partitions of Poland are distant history now, the habit of calling it “provincial” is still with us. And prejudices about Central and Eastern Europe also contributed to this notion of Russia as the origin of everything great: artists and musicians from the conquered lands were re-described as Russian and thus became “great” and no longer provincial, and “provincial” writers switched to Russian to be accepted and, hopefully, counted as “great.” Fortunately, there was another view and another party. An opposite “ideological pole,” as Wolff defines it, challenged the subordinate conception of Eastern Europe that prevails until today. It was inaugurated by Rousseau, who had also never been there. While Voltaire corresponded with monarchs, approving of despotism “displaced to a reassuring distance,” Rousseau addressed the Polish nation, acknowledging its agency. What they had in common, however, was the assumption that they knew better than the nations in question.

     

    These competing visions survived many more dramatic changes of the map of Europe, numerous wars, and some revolutions. Voltaire’s heirs still believe in the “spheres of influence” theory of Russia’s unquestioned predominance in the region. They consider themselves authorized to give away huge parts of the continent to an “enlightened” despot for modernization or “peacekeeping,” or to decide whether this or that nation really needs NATO membership. Rousseau’s intellectual legacy, by contrast, secured Central and Eastern Europe its friends and supporters, but too often these friends and supporters struggle to trust local expertise, which is — surprise! — in many cases better. 

     

    The second reason why we need to consider critically the cultural premises of the present debate is the ambiguity of Western “Russophilia” in its literal meaning. For the “philia” is in fact about the West itself, not the actual Russia. 

     

    These narcissistic optics are the downside of the perennial Western search for an alternative to itself. It is hard to accept that the system you live in, liberal democracy, is the only game in town — that what you have been given is all there is, or even all there should be. One may feel trapped, claustrophobic even. The restless energies of youth may feel thwarted. Coming from a time and a place where the West represented something ultimately good, something to strive for, I had it easier: growing up in the Soviet Union, in its rotten and disgusting realities, there was quite a clear path from bad to good, a path illuminated by hope. But for those who were already there, in the promised land of liberal democracy? If you accept the fact that you already live on the right side of history, but still see all its flaws and all its wrongs, where is the hope for you? Those deluded Eastern Europeans, naïve as puppies, the ones who revere the democratic West and aspire to belong to it, don’t see how unjust the Western world is, but you, you see. (This is immediately followed by adrenaline shots of Kissinger-like cynicism.) And you need an alternative, a dispensation more exciting than merely fixing the flaws of the existing system. “Truth comes from the north,” as Voltaire put it. You need another country. 

     

    This way of thinking has been an inherent feature of Western intellectual history. Remember all those laments, all these books and articles, about “the decline of the West,” the endless stream of dystopias, the guilt about every success? I would even suggest that this mode of thinking defines what it means to be a Westerner. Whatever its conclusions, the questions are all the same: What did we do wrong? What was our mistake? The idea that something in the world may happen without our input, independent of Western influence, is too hard, or too insulting, to digest. Westerners are often criticized for taking credit for all the good in the world, but they also tend to take credit for all the evil. This habit of mind is exactly what made Western countries safe, rich, and preferable for living: the restless anxiety and the race for self-improvement. Yet it is also what makes them largely incapable of understanding evil beyond the Western realm. This stubborn dodging may be confused with political correctness, but it is hard to draw the line between actual PC and the inability to recognize the agency of others at their worst. 

     

    The other great attraction of Russian culture for Westerners is that it flatters their vanity about their own profundity. In the modern era, thoughtful Westerners have liked to portray themselves as open to paradoxes and abysses, as rebellious, iconoclastic. As is well known, Russian culture is abundantly stocked with abysses. Nothing makes one feel deeper than a few pages of Dostoevsky. And finally a much more banal context must be considered. We prefer to talk about ideas, not about money; we like words, not numbers. But it was money that brought those mesmerizing Russians to you — that made it possible for Turgenev to hang out with Henry James, and Nabokov to polish his talent in Oxford and Switzerland; that guaranteed the appearance of all those articles about Russian tycoons and their socialite art-scene wives, and the whole media “eco-system” around them, in the New Yorker and elsewhere. Money is the main reason you know about Russian culture and its greatness. And not just the monarchy’s money, or the Bolsheviks’ money. It’s not even money in the plain sense of the word: there is also the virtual money transformed into personal, social, and thus cultural capital, the “money” of the prominent promoters of Russian culture throughout the twentieth century, Vladimir Nabokov or Isaiah Berlin or Alexander Liberman or Alexey Brodovitch. Though most of them were not exactly Russian, almost all of them were well-off and brought up by Russian institutions or in Russian culture. And later they conferred their prestige upon the reputation of that culture. Their milieu was rather cosmopolitan and so was their worldview, and they projected this attractive image onto Russia and Russian culture as they represented it. Due to the isolation of the Soviet Union, these bright personalities were able to confer a certain glamour upon the image of a Russia that no longer existed. 

     

    And if one does still more soul-searching, the next honest answer about the Western insistence upon the political innocence of Russian culture will be this: it solves a certain problem. The romance of Russian culture is a safe way to stand for tradition without standing for Western tradition, a safe way to stand for culture without standing for Western culture. Defending a British monument suggests an old-fart right-wing approval of imperialism, but defending a Russian monument leaves an impression of open-mindedness and even of a progressive inclination. Russophilia is a clever way to canalize imperial or reactionary-nostalgic sentiments: after all, these sentiments are not for a Western empire, are they? 

     

    Yet a different distinction, an important distinction, among the imperialisms must be made. The Western countries that had empires, or rather their intellectuals, particularly British and French, vigorously criticized and deconstructed their colonial legacies, and admitted the sins of colonialism, and worked diligently to become more sensitive to the consequences of their overseas dominion, to the difficult situations of their former colonies. Some say that the Western critique of Western imperialism did not go far enough; others contend that the guilt discourse of the West is overdone, and crippling; but the telling fact is that Western introspection about imperialism exists and forms a significant part of Western intellectual life. It is there. Few Russian intellectuals, by contrast, have performed the same service about Russian imperialism. The oppression and extermination of the indigenous people of Siberia, the savage persecutions of Ukrainians, Belarusians, Lithuanians, Poles, Jews, and their own Russian people after all, the encouragement of pogroms by the Tsar’s family, the slavery, the cultural appropriation — almost none of these atrocious subjects entered the mainstream of Russian academic discourse. And while the British monarchy is abhorred as mean and illegitimate at all levels of Western culture, high to low, from scholarship to The Crown, the Russian imperial past is left more or less unquestioned, when it is not heaped with Nicholas and Alexandra-type romanticism. 

     

    Obviously the heritage of Russian art and music and literature is immensely rich. My point, rather, is that (to paraphrase Walter Benjamin) every document of Russian civilization is also a document of Russian barbarism. To be indifferent to all these shadows in this time of Russian aggression is especially egregious. It isn’t hard to refute the shallow Russophilia of those who imagine Russia as a realm of Anna Karenina characters. It is much harder to confront those contemporary worshippers of Russian culture whom I deeply respect. The Polish postwar writer Marek Głasko once remarked, having in mind Ukrainians and Poles, Eastern and Central Europeans, that we will not be properly understood in France until there are Russian tanks in the suburbs of Paris. But not even such a scenario, and may it never come to pass, would convince those Russophiles who have experienced Russian cruelty and still admire Russian culture. 

     

    In the summer of 1920, when Isaac Babel joined the Budyonny cavalry’s offensive, a young Polish writer and artist named Jósef Czapski, an earnest pacifist, joined the Krechowiecki First Cavalry Regiment to fight against the Bolsheviks. That summer they were trapped about twenty miles east of Olesko Castle, and Czapski barely saved his injured brother’s life. 

     

    Czapski and his comrades were not exactly birds of a feather: he was born into a noble Polish family and grew up in St. Petersburg, and his adolescence was highly influenced by Russian literature. “In the shadow of Tolstoy, Dostoevsky, and revolution,” he recalled, “Poland felt kind of parochial compared with titanic, cruel, extreme, and genius-rich Russia.” Czapski discovered himself as a Pole only in 1919, a year before he was conscripted to defend his country in its struggle to recover its statehood: his national feeling changed “like a thunderbolt,” and he realized that his “inferiority complex towards Russia was induced only by the fear of [Russian] dominance of polanenszczyzna [the romanticized national image of Poland].” 

     

    But Czapski’s fascination with Russia was not the result only of his extensive reading of Tolstoy and the personal influence of the famed Russian writer Dmitri Merezhkovsky. Owing to his exalted social origins, his circle in St. Petersburg in the turbulent revolutionary years consisted mostly of the highest ranks of the Russian government. He lived with his uncle, Baron Aleksander Meyendorff, who was for a while a vice-marshal of the Russian Duma, and his family had a connection to Pyotr Stolypin, the Russian nationalist politician and reformer. (He was assassinated in 1911.) In 1917, Czapski discussed the February Revolution with his uncle’s milieu, “an international circle to a certain degree, where English or French was spoken.” Georgy Chicherin, Lenin’s friend and commissar for foreign affairs, was a relative, too. In other words, Czapski first observed Russian realities from on high. 

     

    But it was not long before his vantage point changed dramatically. When Germany and the Soviet Union (an alliance with its own history of being scanted in the West) invaded Poland in 1939, Czapski was a reserve officer. A month after the invasion he was a prisoner of war, along with four thousand Polish officers deported by the Soviets to Starobilsk in eastern Ukraine. (Starobilsk has been close to the frontline since 2014 and was occupied by Russia in 2022.) Czapski was one of only seventy-eight survivors of the camp at Starobilsk. In his memoirs Memories of Starobielsk and Unhuman Land, Czapski described his experience of the camp, and also of another Soviet camp for Polish POWs, Gryazovets, as well as his release in 1941 and his subsequent journey with General Anders’ Free Polish Army from northern Russia to Uzbekistan, Iran, Iraq, Palestine, Egypt, Italy, and postwar Europe. In 1940 Anders tasked Czapski with locating the whereabouts of missing Polish officers, about eight thousand of them, who had fought Hitler and ended up in Soviet captivity. Eventually Czapski would learn that the missing officers were killed by the NKVD with Stalin’s approval, most of them in Katyn, Russia. (In England at roughly the same time Churchill ordered a quiet British inquiry into the mass executions — quiet for the sake of “Allied solidarity” — and it, too, concluded that the Soviets were culpable.) After the war the Katyn massacre become a matter of some controversy. In 1952 Czapski testified before the United States Congress about it, and a special committee of the House’s report assigned responsibility for the atrocity to the Soviets, but in the years of the Cold War the discussion of the massacre was mostly suppressed in the United States and Europe so as not to offend the Soviets. It was only when the NKVD archives were opened in the 1990s that Russian authorities admitted to the killings of twenty thousand Poles (and others) in Katyn. 

     

    Memories of Starobielsk and Unhuman Land are heartbreaking reading, with a troubled history of publication in English. (The French translation in 1949 was not warmly welcomed, to put it mildly.) I read Czapski’s memoirs in a Ukrainian translation before the Russian invasion, and back then it resonated in a special way because many of Czapski’s camp fellows were doctors, lawyers, and academics from Lviv, my hometown. These people, dying of typhus and diarrhea in lice-filled barracks, once walked the same streets as I now do, and might have stood in the same pews in my church; and their families, too, were deported by Russians, in their case to the Gulag. Over two hundred thousand Poles, Ukrainians, and Jews were deported from Western Ukraine to Russia and Kazakhstan in the two years between 1939 and 1941 alone. Knowing what is happening to Ukrainian war prisoners at the very moment that I write this, and to the forcibly deported Ukrainian families and the kidnapped children, I just don’t have the stomach to reread Czapski’s books in full. At the same time, the difficulties that Czapski and his colleagues had with British censorship, the Allies’ ugly fascination with Stalin, the Western reluctance to hear the truth about Soviets, the anti-Polish sentiments: all this reminds me of how much luckier, if you’ll pardon the expression, Ukrainians are today. Present-day technologies will at least provide us with a shield against oblivion and furnish the unequivocal evidence of present-day Russian atrocities. The memory hole will not win again.

     

    In Poland, Czapski is frequently referred as an icon. He is iconic for me too, someone I greatly admire, a great-souled man. I understand his Russian sentiments, but I take them with a pinch of salt. When, in his in his essays and interviews, Czapski’s regularly pays homage to the greatness of Russian literature, the piety creates a certain dissonance with his otherwise scrupulous and abstemious voice, with his extraordinary sensitivity to the complexities of history, almost in the way that Babel’s awful denunciations in the Literaturnaya Gazeta contrast with his subtle prose. I also find it hard to ignore the fragmentation of his vision: while he is observantly aware of his own relatively privileged status in Tashkent, and delicately points to the luxury of Stalin’s protégé Alexei Tolstoy’s life there, Czapski barely dwells on the privileged status of Alexei Tolstoy’s guest in Tashkent, the Russian poet Anna Akhmatova, whom he met there in 1942 and admired ever since. For Czapski, as well as for the world outside the Soviet Union, Akhmatova was a nonconformist and even a rebellious poet. She certainly showed great courage: her husband was shot by the Bolsheviks in 1921 and her son was arrested in 1938 (and again in 1949). But in his book Czapski at least records a rather delicate question: “What was this woman doing, the mother of a convict, in the house of the regime’s most devoted writer?” It is an excellent question. He notes without judging that she was praised by Stalin. In 1942, Stalin even sent a special plane on his personal orders to evacuate her from besieged Leningrad, as the city suffered its terrible famine. From Leningrad she went to Christopol, and from Christopol to the safer haven of Tashkent, where she remained until 1944, when she returned to the ruins of Leningrad. 

     

    This Tashkent episode may be the most peaceful part of Inhuman Land. Still, Czapski did not get the whole picture. Ukrainian poets who were not less talented than Akhmatova — to be honest, I prefer some of them to Akhmatova’s melodramatic tone — did not even have the privilege of their own graves, let alone a special plane. In 1937 they were shot in Sandarmokh, in Karelia, with thousands of other prisoners of Soviet camps. Six thousand two hundred and forty-one victims of this massacre have been identified, among them the Ukrainian writers Mykola Kulish, Mykola Zerov, Valerian Pidmohylny, and Marko Vorony, the Ukrainian theater director Les Kurbas, and numerous Ukrainian scholars, teachers, and editors. The toll for Ukrainian intellectuals was so high that the entire generation is now referred to as the “Executed Renaissance.” Czapski could not have known about this atrocity back in 1942, but he would learn about it later, after having settled down in Maisons-Laffitte in Paris, the seat of the Polish émigré journal Kultura. It was Kultura that would publish The Executed Renaissance Anthology in 1959. 

     

    Czapski’s later essays about Russian writers show that this knowledge did not change his standpoint or his tone in evaluating things Russian. Must the love of culture really be so blinding? Yet we must give him credit for artistic intuition: never judging, he wrote in his diary about his second meeting with Akhmatova in 1965, this time in a Paris hotel, that “I think involuntarily of the eighteenth-century idealized portraits of Russian empresses.” In that comment he was revealing more than he realized. After all that Czapski had endured, no one can accuse him of being insensitive. A man has a right to his blind spots; we all have them. Even people who have seen the worst have blind spots. But why are these old cultural hierarchies still accepted uncritically, and placed beyond the reach of moral and historical complication? 

     

    I doubt that a call for the reassessment of one’s cultural hierarchies in the light of Russian crimes in Ukraine will be very popular, but it is past due. The projection of Western likes and dislikes, of Western needs and fantasies, upon Russia must be challenged by the cold realities of contemporary history. And not only upon Russia but also upon Ukraine, Poland, Central Europe, and any place foreign enough to serve as “another country.” Perhaps one day a Russian writer will have the guts to “look back at the red towers of your native Sodom,” in the words of Akhmatova’s poem, to look back without resentment or extenuation at the inhuman land and its people drunk with hatred and violence and a hellish obedience. I believe that Russian literature may produce a great novel on this subject in the future, maybe its greatest novel of all. And I believe that it will be an endlessly sad novel, a tale about extreme human failure, full of sorrow and loneliness, shame and alienation. That is a novel I will be eager to read.

    In Dreams Begin Responsibilities: A Memoir

    We knew we were already too late. Too late to be modernists, too late to be reds, too late to turn against Stalin, too late to fight the Nazis, too late to be red-baited, too late to join the anti-communist left, too late to take money from the CIA for our magazines. We were too late to be Cold Warriors and too late to bother trying to ban the bomb — the situation was in hand, we were told. We were too late for cheap rent. We came after Stonewall and, most of us, after the worst of the AIDS crisis. The famous zones of bohemian social life were expired: we never stepped foot in the real Cedar Tavern, or the Factory, or the Bunker, or Max’s Kansas City, or the Mudd Club, or Studio 54. We weren’t too late for the Downtown Art Scene Gold Rush, which seems to be permanent, if permanently tainted, because money has to come from somewhere. We weren’t too late to go to CBGB’s, but we were too late to see Television there; we instead saw bands that sounded like Television because the first thing we learned about when we were children was recycling. We were all recyclers. A term available for recycling at the time of our arrival was hipster, so that’s what they called us and what some of us called each other or even ourselves, especially when we were bemoaning our artistic or intellectual bankruptcy, which is not exactly the subject of this essay.

    We were hipsters but we weren’t “White Negroes,” which is not a phrase we would use, no matter how many of us were reading Norman Mailer. We were deracinated. We Were postcolonial. We were “diverse,” or so it was said. Most of us, it should be admitted, went to Fancy Colleges. If you went to a Fancy College in the late 1990s, you might have been handed something that looked like a magazine called Diversity & Distinction. It was the institution’s propaganda for us, about us. It wasn’t untrue, but we distrusted advertisements, even advertisements for ourselves. It was called Meritocracy and you had to believe in it a little bit because otherwise you wouldn’t be there. Otherwise there was no way you belonged, unless it was the wrong kind of belonging, the old kind, the kind you could just pay for. We might have been diverse but we were all good at filling in the right little circles with our pencils, and we loved studying, whatever love means in this context. Maybe we loved reading or maybe winning was what we loved. The campus experience for undergraduates of the late 1990s was a quiet one. The culture wars of the late 1980s and early 1990s had subsided and were spoken of in the past tense by survivors. Political correctness was dormant. There were hardly any drugs. We had irony and hip hop. We were moving from grunge to twee. If you spent early mornings chalking the pavements of the Fancy College Yard against the bombings in the Balkans it was a lonely operation — there might be two of you. And maybe the Kosovars did need us to save them. Maybe your grandmother was Albanian. Chalk is easily washed away by rain.

    A strange thing that happened at the end of Fancy College was that many of us signed up to be recruited by investment banks and were hired by them at what were rumored to be very high salaries. Was this always the point? Didn’t they write their theses about Habermas? Is that why they cut their hair last year? It didn’t matter to us—we would forget them — because we wanted to be Writers and Intellectuals. The summer after we graduated there appeared a double issue of The City Dweller Magazine with the slogan THE FUTURE OF AMERICAN FICTION, along with the first lines of twenty short stories, emblazoned across the sky on its cover. The sky was part of a cartoon drawing of a hunched man in tattered clothes looking out at the horizon from the sands of an alluring and otherwise vacant beach. (The sky writing was apparently this coastal hobo’s beach read.) Within the issue were the stories — one of them a classic — but, more important, there were photographs of the writers, all of whom were not yet over the age of forty (let’s not press this issue). They were pictured as if socializing together against glamorous backdrops — in Brooklyn across the East River (or was it Jersey and the Hudson?) from a blurry Manhattan skyline; on the back of a flatbed truck speeding past some trees perhaps to the Hamptons, or past the vista of a bridge perhaps to the Catskills — and they seemed happy. They seemed to be friends. It might have been a reunion of extras from the pilot of Friends, a show we never watched. Literary life was convivial.

    Some of these figures of the Future we already knew from author photos on the jackets of books we would bring with us to the City. There was Our Hero, and there was Our Hero’s Best Friend. (Our Hero would later kill himself and His Best Friend would appear on Oprah after grumbling about it.) There was the Dystopian Buddhist. There was The Guy Who Wrote the Novel the Movie The Ice Storm Was Based On, as well as The Guy Whose Novels Were Too Weird to Ever Adapt for the Screen, The Guy Who Loved Comic Books, and The Guy Who Wrote the Novel Narrated in the Second Person Plural. (Collectively, these guys were later dubbed The New White Guys by The Mean Gay White Guy.) There was The Guy Who Also Wrote Young Adult Fiction and The Lady Who Would Later Move to Italy. There was The Guy Who Loved Video Games and The Lady from the Tragic Island. There was The Graphomaniac Who Wrote about Sleeping with Prostitutes and Was Sometimes a Lady Herself. Also present: The Guy Who Taught at Iowa, The Hackey-Sack Guy, Two Ladies Whose Books We Never Read. Not present: The Guy We’ve Still Never Otherwise Heard Of, The Guy Who Opened for DeLillo at the 92nd Street Y, The Edgy Lady, and The Guy Who Gave Us Permission to Do a Lot of Ecstasy One Summer by Writing a Cover Story about It for The Magazine That Came with the Sunday Newspaper.

    The point is anointment. The point is casual glamor (which is not glamor at all; only The Lady Who Came from England the Next Summer had that). The point is diversity & distinction. The point is: These were writers, and, as we would learn from Trashy Weekly, where we would have to fix commas in order to pay rent, they were just like us. The point is we may have shown up too late to be Modernists or Postmodernists or Dirty Realists or members of the New York School or writers of New Narrative, but we weren’t too late for Publicity. We weren’t too late to be Famous. We held onto this artifact for more than a decade. Some of us still possess it. Some of us qualified for it the next time they made The List. At least six of us (depending on who’s doing the counting) made it the second time around. The City Dweller doesn’t bother with The List anymore. Too many lists going around. The field is diluted. And most lists these days — you don’t want to be on them.

    We arrived the month after the millennium turned and signed a lease in Brooklyn, except those of us who came earlier and moved to Manhattan or Queens or those of us came later after the end of Decadence. A few of us had grown up in the city or gone to school here. We talked about starting our own magazines. In the meantime, we had to get jobs. Many jobs were on offer to do things you never dreamed of doing and could not describe, but it was advertised that they came with stock options and equity. How could such things be bad? Not wanting them amounted to not wanting money, not wanting a house, not wanting a future for the children we didn’t have yet. Luckily soon enough the stock market crashed and we no longer had to think about those options because they had been discredited, no matter how many times the chimera of mysteriously easy digital wealth would return, eventually literally under the name “crypto.” In America the size of the con is always swelling.

    Many of the other jobs were not very good. Many of the good jobs did not pay because they were not real jobs; they were internships and were temporary, but could lead to the good jobs that paid, or could lead you straight into being a writer. Maybe you could deliver drugs, launder your money, and fly away to write stories for magazines, as one of us did. But most of us did things like fix commas and check facts at Trashy Weekly. The office was convivial. We might toss around a Nerf football. We might sneak a cigarette behind a closed glass door. We might light the Boss’ cigarette as he strode among the cubicles — he still retained that privilege. Nobody really wanted to be there, even the Boss, who was being paid well; he wanted to move on to the next better paying job at Athletics with Photos, which he soon did. After all, he had edited High-End Dude Magazine and was known to be close friends with Hunter Thompson and George Plimpton. How many covers would he run about movie stars losing weight or the soon-to-be-forgotten winner of this week’s reality game show? The nights the issues closed, there was free sushi and a free limousine home — or to the club if we preferred. (Nell’s was still open that year.) The jobs were vacuous and tedious and centered our lives around finding faults in copy and captions — “display type is the most important thing,” we were told — about the careers and love lives of actors, actresses, and singers we had mostly never heard of because we stopped watching television in 1994 in order to become Intellectuals.

    It was not the work of Intellectuals. Yet we read about Intellectuals who had done this sort of work, and it seemed, if equally worthless, somehow more worthy. Elizabeth Hardwick read and rewrote dime-store romances for pulp publishers. Henry Miller wrote pornography and was paid by the page. Yet some writers had come to town and gotten decent jobs immediately. Henry Luce hired Dwight Macdonald and James Agee to report for Fortune. They both hated the magazine but it got them somewhere. Macdonald testified that the job taught him how to organize his material by putting all the stuff about the same thing in the same place, and then he started politics. Agee took an assignment to go to Dust Bowl Appalachia with Walker Evans and the result was Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. The Boss, no matter how cool he was, wasn’t going to give you an assignment that would result in something like that — say, Let Us Now Praise Famous Survivor Contestants. Nor was the Boss’ Boss, who, though legendary, seemed like a philistine up close. Yet some of us started getting decent jobs and you saw them at parties.

    There was an election, and some of us who didn’t vote for Al Gore voted for Ralph Nader. It didn’t matter because the only votes that ended up counting that year after a long tedious news cycle about how paper was punched in Florida were those of the Supreme Court justices. Given that we worked in irrelevant jobs and were subjected constantly to phony incentives, casting a protest vote seemed natural. Soon the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were attacked. Luckily our friends who had summer jobs in the towers had left them eleven days earlier to go to graduate school. Some of us weren’t so lucky. Some of us volunteered to shovel out the rubble. Some of us moved out of the city in fear, and we would hardly ever hear from them again.

    The fun was over, but we were still young, so it couldn’t really be over. We observed the responses of our elders, the Intellectuals we admired or at least were meant to admire. Some of them spoke of the events in the vocabulary of Lifestyle, the carnage smelling like “smoked mozzarella.” Some of them had their grief consoled by the idea that their own Spanish Civil War had now arrived. Some of them debated the meanings of courage and cowardice. Some of them claimed that irony was dead, but we knew it was still alive in our hearts. We were in no position to voice a response of our own because the Internet was insufficiently advanced at the time and we had yet to form our own relationships with printing presses beyond our comma-fixing. That would soon change.

    Our own irrelevance was confirmed when we joined at least a hundred thousand others and millions worldwide to protest the war not yet launched in the vicinity of the United Nations three years after we had signed our first lease in Brooklyn. At the office during your internship at Patrician Pacifist Monthly you watched the Secretary of State’s presentation to the UN about the deadly aluminum tubes. It was unconvincing. On the same television a few weeks later, working late for free, you watched the bombing begin. You learned not to trust The Newspaper. The protests accomplished nothing in terms of halting the invasion and were not meaningfully sustained, though they would erupt now and again, as when the president’s party held its convention on Seventh Avenue in Manhattan, and some of us were arrested. This time all of us voted for Kerry, but he lost. We had no control over the country, which belonged to Ohio. By this time you had a real job, and certainly not a well-paid one, down Seventh Avenue from the arena at Obsolete Bimonthly Cold War Organ.

    The Boss had worked at the magazine since the 1950s and run it since the 1960s, after the actual Menshevik who had controlled it for decades, and had at times taken actual money from the CIA, died. The Boss had learned journalism covering Broadway for his Fancy College’s student paper after the war, and you imagined he was the model for Tony Curtis in Sweet Smell of Success, except with almost crippling integrity. He hired you because the only thing you said during your job interview was that you were reading To the Finland Station. The Boss’ attitude toward you was one of suspicion, because the two most famous journalists of your generation were famous for getting fired from their jobs because they made up their stories. One of them also seemed to have a drug problem. Luckily, the only writing you were allowed to do was book reviews, and you could always demonstrate you had read the whole book by displaying a tattered galley. Most of your tasks consisted of rewriting the copy of the magazine’s most geriatric contributors. Their arguments were sound because they had spent a lifetime thinking about the Civil Rights Movement or the Cuban Missile Crisis or the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire, even if they hadn’t quite been present for the last one. But their prose needed work — it could be fragmentary, for one thing — because some of them had passed the age of ninety and were residing in nursing homes. You regarded their efforts with respect and the chance to work on their copy and be published beside them as a lucky thing, even if hardly anybody read the magazine, because there were few subscribers whose constant requests for cancellation were ignored, and no web presence to speak of. You should have fixed up a website, but you suspected the Boss couldn’t handle it. Dollars to donuts, the Boss often said, a token and your degree in Ancient Greek will get you a ride home on the subway.

    Intellectual modesty was one of the Boss’ values and the reason he killed pieces once in a while: they asserted too much and too harshly. It didn’t make a difference to the non-contributors because the fees were low (referred to not as fees but as “tangible tokens of our appreciation”) and the pieces could be placed in magazines people actually read. One day the Boss was very excited about a piece he had coming in from an acquaintance who had managed to travel to Cuba, a notoriously hard place to obtain copy from if you edited a historically anti-communist magazine that barely paid its writers. But there was disappointment all around when the piece turned out to be a travelogue about shopping amid the island’s plentiful bargains. Something you respected about the Boss was that he had no interest in Lifestyle, a subject increasingly prevalent among formerly strictly Intellectual magazines. It was a discovery of the preceding generation: writers could be well compensated by intellectualizing such salad ingredients as cilantro or avocado or by writing a profile of a Chef that cast him as an Artist. The City Dweller was more and more filled with such articles, so you stopped reading it cover to cover.

    On Seventh Avenue the use of Linotype machines was frequently recalled aloud, and our desktop computers too were referred to as “machines.” Pica rulers were in circulation among the staff of three. One of your tasks was to cut out pictures of politicians, authors, and actors from the newspaper, in case they might one day be of use to the magazine’s poorly compensated and sometimes not credited illustrators. These clippings were kept in a bank of filing cabinets and sorted alphabetically. It was good to have something to do besides editing because you were told you edited “too fast.” Yet you often reached the point you had done all you could or should do, at which point you would sit at your desk pretending to edit but instead reading Daily Counterintuitive Online Magazine or Daily Outraged Complacent Liberal Online Magazine. All of us with desk jobs did this, yet it must have been something new. How did one waste time at one’s desk before the Internet? If you just sat there reading the paper edition of Distinguished Journal of Book Reviews, as you often had during your downtime at Trashy Weekly, The Boss and his secretary would notice. Your weekly paycheck was handwritten and amounted to less than half a month’s rent, so you took a night job fixing commas at Archaic Neocon Daily. Once the editors ran a piece saying Saddam Hussein’s WMDs had been found because somebody from Damascus came to the office and told them the stockpile was hidden in Syria. Now there was a newspaper you really couldn’t trust.

    And then came the blogs. You didn’t know anybody who died in the towers or anybody fighting in the war (the one guy from the Fancy College you knew who had been in the ROTC was stationed in Japan arranging for the transport of weapons systems), but you knew people who started blogs. If distinctions between High and Low had been collapsing for decades, now they were gone entirely. Going viral was the new option. You tried it at your desk one afternoon and succeeded. You were clever enough to survive if you were ever fired from Obsolete Bimonthly Cold War Organ or it shut down. Since you suspected that you were paid largely from proceeds of review copies sold to the Strand, the latter seemed an imminent possibility, and soon enough it came to pass. But by this time your friends had started their own magazine, Ground 0, and they were publishing you, if only because you helped them with proofreading and showed them how to put together a table of contents. You learned that the best way to go viral by writing, say, a movie review was to be harsh and call attention to yourself, especially in the opening. This was the style of the Internet. So much for the Boss’ credo of intellectual modesty.

    The editors of Ground 0 did not encourage this vice, which was all your own, an endemic viral infection. They were very good at cutting the boring parts of pieces, the obligatory tics you had learned from the Boss, who was always saying, “Put a billboard on it so the reader knows where you’re going.” Ground 0 was marked from its origins by a left-liberal political outlook, against American wars of choice if unconvinced of its capacity to deter them; by a skeptical attitude toward the emerging online ecosphere, though under no delusions that it could be halted or anything other than acquiesced to for practical purposes; by an outsider-insider relationship to the academy, defensive on the subject of theory but not professionally beholden to whatever its current standing happened to be; by an emphasis on the present that embraced explorations of recent traditions but eschewed a ubiquitous literary necrophilia; and by a commitment to examine its contributors’ conditions of intellectual production. None of this was exactly new — hardly anything ever is, we were learning — but the difference was that we were the ones doing it. Recent new lit mags had taken their aesthetic and ethos from an imaginary nineteenth century or the time of Mencken. Ours came from the New York Intellectuals of the mid-twentieth century, for better or worse. Recycling was still the first lesson we had ever learned.

    It was an intellectual style born of an awareness of, a complicity with, a resistance to, or a saturation in Meritocracy, Publicity, Futility, Lifestyle, and the Internet. There was to be less irony than there had been in the 1990s, but we wouldn’t be humorless. Theory might inform the arguments, but they would be plainspoken and without jargon. The writerly I would be deployed within narrative terrain, but we knew the New Journalism had already had its day and the point was not confession, of which there would soon be a not entirely unrelated deluge. Clouded by intervening events, our memories now perhaps overemphasize a sense of futility. One editor at the time remarked something along these lines: if Saddam Hussein and his friends could take over a whole country when he was in his early thirties, surely a bunch of us can start a magazine. It should also be noted that the magazine printed posters with slogans including “UTOPIA IN OUR TIME.” Pessimism may have been part of the mentality but it was suppressed in the intellectual style. We were trying to do something, after all.

    We were trying to contribute something to the culture that had the shape of what we wanted the culture to be. We were also trying to write books, or get book deals, or get jobs. In the meantime, we threw parties. Among attendees of the parties there were still high levels of frustration. Too many of us were still fixing commas or checking facts, even if they were being paid well to do so at someplace like The Classy Magazine. It was all taking too long. We were starting to get old and we hadn’t saved any money. Meanwhile the bloggers were out there just saying whatever they wanted, shaking off their hangovers with liberal doses of Adderall and picking whose writings got linked to. And they didn’t even bother with fact checkers or comma fixers. Some of them were starting to get paid, and not badly. We knew this because we all went to the same bars. What they did seemed, if not hard exactly, at least very tiring. It was difficult to write books and get book deals if you fixed commas by day (and perhaps also by night) and spent the rest of the time at bars or magazine parties or literary readings. It was time to stop going out so much and start producing.

    Some of the things we produced fell broadly into three categories: 1) the anti-lifestyle essay; 2) the nonfiction literary adventure; 3) autofiction. What these genres had in common was that they were personality-based and required a stylistic flair. Ultimately, the two elements, being historically conflated anyway, were hard to separate. Of one writer, you would later hear an older esteemed editor remark, “So is she just going to do personality pieces from now on?” What these writings tended to say was: I am very perceptive of the current state of things and I am against them, not just the state but even the things themselves. Or: I have been on a journey far away, to a place where the past still lives, among people with living knowledge of the past, and one thing I can tell you is that history has a happy ending and that happy ending is me. Or: I have participated in the spirit of the times and adjusted my consciousness to it exquisitely in order to produce the work of art you are reading, none of which is necessarily true.

    We invented Mumblecore. We invented Flash Mobs. We invented Poptimism. From Ground 0 and its neighboring generational precincts many now distinguished careers were launched. Some of us wrote these books and some of us reviewed them and we concluded that many of them weren’t bad. Of course, it wasn’t just us. People were writing stuff like this in other countries, such as Scandinavia. The Norwegians, they were just like us, except with a superior welfare state and a scarier history of intimacy with their formerly Nazi neighbors. Knocks about this writing included that it was narcissistic; that some of it was whimsical and unserious; that it lacked ideological commitment even if it voiced political avowals; that opposition to Lifestyle required being in thrall to Lifestyle by making it your subject, even in a negative capacity; or, worst of all, that they were blogs on paper. One zone where idealists and nihilists find common ground is narcissism. We will always remember the Bush administration as the happiest days of our lives.

    Then the Younger People came and they were different than we were. They were more uptight, for one thing, even if they had so many tattoos. They came of age around Obama’s election and so had a sense of political hope, even if he would ultimately disappoint them. Their political consciousness had been raised collectively by Occupy Wall Street in a way that ours at that age had not been by the anti-globalization protests, which hadn’t happened everywhere but only in certain places we had never visited, such as Seattle. They were more entrenched in the academy and more affiliated with its unions (and also more likely to write book reviews that sounded like term papers, which we considered deadly). They unionized some of the magazines where they went to work. These achievements were salutary. The Younger People also arrived with the advent of social media, which allowed aspiring writers to obtain something that seemed like Fame, and Fame for being something like a Writer, before they had written, or in a meaningful way published, anything longer than a few sentences. Being older, we had difficulty telling if the effects of this novel form of notoriety were beneficial, because confidence building, or grotesque, because of the genesis of perverse incentives. Call it a mixed bag. It did not belong to us.

    This essay, which is almost over, is not about the Younger People and certainly not about their oedipal struggle with the Older Generation. We were the generation in between and they allowed us to discover our own irrelevance for a second time, by outnumbering us and dominating “the discourse,” a word we only used to use in school. The major difference between us and them is that we knew that we had come too late to live through the 1930s, and they believed they were reliving the 1930s, right down to the manifestation of actual Nazi-like opponents. They had seen what we’d been doing and they had learned from us, but they had learned even more from the bloggers, some of whom had become famous and rich by writing and could take credit for a genuine political impact, a shifting of the boundaries of the more and more tenuous liberal consensus. The Younger People were not around for the homophobia of the 1980s, they saw the regime of gay marriage as the natural state of things, and they believed that there’s no reason why liberation should not be complete for all.

    We worked with the Younger People and we still do. We edited them and now they edit us, at times imposing their term-paper ethos, drearily. The protest movements brought forth pamphlets and gazettes born of intergenerational collaborations, but soon enough the Younger People had their own things. Their magazines are marked by a clearer sense of political mission, including actual goals that might be achieved through elections. They have more of an insider’s relationship to the academy because they believe that that belongs to them too, just like everything else. They are critical of Meritocracy because its injustices are obvious, and anything with those has to go. They are not resistant to Lifestyle and its intellectualization because they intellectualize everything, even previously unspeakable disorders of the intestines. Yuck!

    What of us now, with our new alienations, our obsolete vanities, our petty unfulfilled apolitical careerism? Some of us have had children and are too busy to worry about it. Some of us have even made raising children our subject, to mixed commercial results. Most of us have tried to keep our heads down and out of the way of the constant crossfire of the culture war, but others dove right in. A few, as you always suspected some might, even became reactionary, “reactionary” not in the old war-mongering way but rather in the new culture war-mongering way. We are no longer coherent socially. The weddings are in the past and the divorces have been piling up for years. The people you used to hate, now you’re happy if you see them at a party. We have been scattered to the winds. There are still books you want to write. It’s not too late for that until you die.

    The Clarifying Obscurity of Robert Bresson

    What a film demands from a viewer varies a great deal. Often not much is demanded. Keeping the characters straight, remembering what has happened, and following the plot are usually enough for much commercial cinema to “work,” to make sense and entertain. We easily accept the illusion that we are watching a fictional cinematic world in which we are not present or detectable, and we allow ourselves to imagine that we are watching, unobserved, what simply happens in that world. We can occasionally notice that an actor is doing a fine job or that a director has edited a sequence in a confusing way, but if that happens too frequently something is going wrong. Things are going well when we are absorbed in the depicted world, not attending to the world as filmed; that is, when we attend to the filmed world, not to the film world, the world of the actors, the sets, the music, the directorial decisions. 

     

    Some cinema addresses its viewer in a different way, though. Something brings us up short when viewing it alters our immediately absorbed attentiveness and seems to demand a regimen of reflective attentiveness. We can still be absorptively engaged in the filmed world; a level of concern, interest in what is happening, tense expectation, still engage us — but in parallel, and, if done successfully, in a way that does not interfere with the normal reaction. We are puzzled that we are looking for several seconds at an empty staircase or an open door or an empty meadow, that the camera lingers on a scene several seconds after a character has departed it, that between one scene and a later one a temporal slice has gone missing and we are not shown events that have happened that we would expect to have seen. We are puzzled that characters speak in a somewhat flat tone, or with minimal affect; that unusually long periods of silence occur; that our attention is drawn to various sounds in scenes, sounds that would not be salient in the normal filmed fictional world; that our angle of vision into the world is highly unusual; that characters’ faces are blank when we would expect great expressiveness. And as just noted, this is what can be risky. If not done well, we end up mainly noting a film’s self-consciousness about its own artifice and self-conception. If we begin attending too much to the world-on-film, then the fictional world itself ceases to grip our attention and we suspect an artistic or “artsy” pretension that has itself as its own object. This distracts us. And it destroys the sense of genuineness and credibility that a film can, uniquely among the arts, create. It can be the directorial version of the actor’s classic absorption-destroying mistake: looking into the camera.

     

    Yet an implicit rejection of a viewer’s conventional expectations about movies and movie watching, or our sense, by contrast, that the film is demanding something unusual from us, need not destroy the cinematic credibility of the movie world. The films of Robert Bresson (1901-1999) are frequently said to be “demanding” and “difficult,” and in that way often “bring us up short” in the way described above. But the films themselves, in all their unconventionality, are so powerful that it is hard to imagine not being moved, anxious, sad, absorbed and invested in the experience of watching what Bresson has made. (It is hard for me to imagine it, at any rate; I realize that some viewers report being bored or baffled.) 

     

    Over a forty-year career, Bresson made thirteen filmed fictional narratives that he claims are not even movies or films at all. They are, instead, “cinematographs.” He insisted on this because he was dissatisfied with the fact that movies have failed to make full use of the medium-specific capacities of motion picture photography and have instead rested content with being “filmed theater.” His contention is that such a compromise with theatrical conventions has resulted in aesthetic representations that are themselves theatrical, or must inevitably be experienced as staged, and therefore not credible in their presentation of a human world and in some sense false, untrue both to what cinema can do and untrue to what should be cinema’s goal: truth itself, truthfully illuminating the human world as lived. Bresson’s experiment is to show that the world-on-film can be both the world-as-it-can-be-uniquely-available-to-film and yet, by virtue of cinema’s unique capacities, also present fundamental dimensions of the world as such, in its truth, “how it really is” in various psychological, social, and even metaphysical dimensions. 

     

    Bresson has a great deal of confidence that a camera can disclose something true about being human that cannot be disclosed otherwise. Truth as something disclosed rather than asserted is immediately controversial: most philosophers would insist that only propositions can be bearers of truth. That restriction would seem extreme, though. It seems quite reasonable when someone says that she suddenly “saw” something about a person’s character, given an action that the latter just performed. If the philosopher says that what could be true in what she saw can only be the proposition that expresses what she saw, and that proposition could only be said to be true if we can state clearly its truth conditions and whether they have been fulfilled, then two things seem to be going wrong. First of all, it might not be possible to state determinately in propositional form just what it is she saw, even though she can be rightly convinced that the person is now disclosed as not as she had thought, that is, as someone who would do that. And the truth conditions just take us back to the experience of what she saw, and that is an interpretive issue, not an empirical one. We accept the possibility of disclosed truth as a relatively common feature of ordinary life, without accepting the strict determinacy and propositional restrictions. 

     

    Moreover, the issue to be discussed in the following — being oriented in a world, understood as a horizon of possible meaningfulness — is not an object that is given to discursive articulation. It can only be known as indirectly disclosed (for reasons to be discussed shortly), subject to the ambiguities of interpretive complexity, and so it seems quite natural to say that Bresson is trying “to show us something true cinematically.” He clearly understands his project that way and so he accepts the implications of such a claim about disclosive truth: “One recognizes the true by its efficacy, its power,” he observed in Notes on the Cinematograph. (Bresson was an articulate, widely read intellectual who gave a number of interviews over the course of his career, and in many of them he was quite forthcoming about why he made his cinematographs as he did, and, like all serious artists, considerably less forthcoming about the “meaning” of his films. In 1975 he published Notes on the Cinematograph, a collection of notes and aphorisms that he had been compiling over the years, in which he touched on all the distinctive formal features that have come to be associated with his films.)

     

    This all means, though, that in order to avoid the directorial “mistake” noted above — the fallacy of filmed theater — Bresson had to work to develop a style that has been rightly described as “austere,” “rigorous,” “pure,” “minimalist,” “bare,” all in a way that does not distract from but even enhances the primary mode of a viewer’s receptivity: our “emotional” responsiveness. His success in this attempt would mean that we are still engaged in, deeply emotionally involved in, gripped by, the world filmed, even while the film itself invites a different sort of absorbed attention, one inspired by a different sort of ambition, the highest level of aesthetic ambition: again, truth. We need then to understand the distinctiveness of the “cinematograph” and what it could mean for such a vehicle to be the bearer of truth, to be even a mode of philosophy.

     

    The first step in understanding Bresson’s ambition is to understand that deliberately refusing to invite conventional cinematic absorption in a movie world is motivated by more than a commitment to aesthetic concerns, to cinematic purity, to formal and medium-specific rigorousness. It has to do with a range of radical philosophical commitments. (None of this means that the films are vehicles for the expression of those views. The films are the views.) I offer this as a corrective to the widespread view that the seriousness, even the solemnity, of Bresson’s films must reflect his views about a “transcendent” dimension of human life, a religious sensibility that is honest about profound human sinfulness (even depravity) as well as its possible redemption in moments of grace, understood as a divine gift.

     

    Bresson did make four films about characters who avow religious commitments, Angels of Sin (1943), Diary of a Country Priest (1951), The Trial of Joan of Arc (1962) and Lancelot du Lac (1974). Aside from that unusual focus (films about religious life and experience are relatively rare), the influence of the initial reception of Diary of a Country Priest, especially by Catholic critics at the Cahiers du Cinéma, such as Andre Bazin, Amédeée Ayfre, Henri Angel, and Roger Leehardt (all of whom wrote for the Catholic journal Esprit), in the influential book by Paul Schrader, The Transcendental Style in Film, which appeared in 1972, and in Susan Sontag’s essay “Spiritual Style in the Films of Robert Bresson” in 1964, helped to establish the view, still quite widespread, that Bresson was not only a religious, but a Catholic, and even a Jansenist, filmmaker, and that the films are vehicles for the expression of his religious commitments. It should be obvious, however, that making films about characters with religious commitments is not the same as being a “religious filmmaker,” and I want to present an alternate interpretation of Bresson’s enterprise by attending to his most famous and most beautiful film, Au hasard Balthazar, from 1966. (The title translates as “Balthazar at random” or “Balthazar by chance”; Balthazar in a world of randomness and chance.)

     

    This is not to say that many elements of his films cannot be interpreted in a Jansenist way, especially given Bresson’s references (not all of which are positive) to Pascal — in accord with the Augustinian idea that with man’s fall our natures became irremediably corrupt and predestined, that there is no way by our own efforts or by what the Jesuits called “mental discipline” to avoid sin, and that only divine grace makes it possible to resist sin. The Jansenists take their bearings from such passages as I John 2:16: “For all that is in the world is the concupiscence of the flesh and the concupiscence of the eyes, and the pride of life, which is not of the Father but of this world.” In the face of such inevitable depravity, the curé’s final proclamation seems the only response: “All is grace.” And Bresson is clearly interested in the situation of a religious sensibility in a world where there is next to no social resonance for the expression of such commitments, especially characters such as the curé.

     

    Yet it is important to note that all of the supposedly Jansenist themes in Bresson’s films need have no religious meaning. We have little control over own fate, although not no control (as we see in A Man Escaped); chance events, shifts in what had seemed important but suddenly can seem insignificant, can drastically alter a life; what Kant called the “serpent of self-love” makes virtuous conduct almost impossible; owing to self-deceit, self-knowledge and therefore intentional self-transformation are rare. Those are not religious ideas. The notion that “all things conceal a mystery” can mean no more than that we cannot discursively account for, or make rationally intelligible, the source of significance, the hierarchies of matterings, in the historical world into which we find ourselves simply thrown.

     

    Bresson’s ideal of cinematic absorption, and with that his ideal of cinematic truth, is based on philosophical views about the nature of worldly absorption. The films call attention to our ways of being responsive to sources of meaningfulness in a life in a particular historical world. (For the most part, with the exception of Les Dames du Bois de Bologne, The Trial of Joan of Arc, and Lancelot du Lac, it is our world, the contemporary world, rural and urban life typified by the French village and the city of Paris.) By meaningfulness, I mean the ways in which individuals purposively direct their lives on the basis of what has come to matter to them, and this on the assumption that something mattering, experienced as significant, is distinct from, and may even conflict with, conscious beliefs about what ought to matter, and distinct also from consciously desiring ends. Mattering in this sense is fundamental, original, primary; we “find ourselves” treating something as significant. Our engagement with anything in the world already assumes the emergence of what is salient in significance and what is negligible, and this experience does not depend on any views we might hold about what is or should be of significance. (Something can matter to us that we think ought not to matter, or we can believe something ought to matter to us but know that it actually doesn’t matter, even if we take action to secure it.) 

     

    Framing the issue this way also allows us to see the possibility of the failure of meaningfulness or mattering. What had seemed so significant for so long can come to seem, in ways we do not seem to control, insignificant. Moreover, the sources of meaningfulness in a cinematic world, both for the characters in the filmed world and for the film world, are inseparable from the question of the possibility of sources of meaningfulness in a historical world in general. We tend to think of meaningfulness as radically individual, that what might matter to one farmer in a small village need not matter to another, nor to a young student in Paris. But such individual inflections of meaning are inflections of a common historical world, the shared historical world of the second half of the twentieth century. And this notion of a world, as used by Heidegger, or of a form of life, as used by Wittgenstein, this horizon of possible meaningfulness, is not itself available as any sort of object in the world. It is available only in worldly comportments, doings, and projects, where “available” is clearly in the “can be shown but not said” category. (What matters can be said, but the source of possible mattering is always already presupposed.) Bresson believes that it is uniquely, if also indirectly and elliptically, available to the camera. The same inseparability of individual matterings and world-historical possibilities is true when trying to understand the failure of meaningfulness, which is the main theme of Bresson’s later films, beginning with Au hasard Balthazar

     

    Let me first summarize the unique cinematic properties of a Bresson cinematograph, and its philosophical dimensions. By far his most well-known directorial decision, beginning with his casting of Claude Laydu in Diary of a Country Priest, was to avoid professional actors and to cast unknowns as his major characters, nonprofessionals whom he would never use again in any other roles. (Laydu came to Paris to study acting in 1948, but he was only twenty when he was introduced to Bresson by the filmmaker Jacques Becker and had almost no experience and no film work. He agreed to Bresson’s request to live for some weeks in a monastery, but not to discontinue his acting career. Several other unknowns in later films also had careers as actors, although Bresson preferred it when they did not.) His summary account of this was that these unknowns were to be understood not as actors but as “models,” in the sense that one would speak of a painter using models for his work. Bresson explains his decision by expressing skepticism that film actors can succeed in doing what they are asked to do. “The actor: ‘It’s not me you are seeing and hearing, but the other man.’ But being unable to be wholly the other, he is not that other.” (I will be quoting from Notes on the Cinematograph.) This is because “a cinema film reproduces the reality of the actor, at the same time as that of the man he is being.” Bresson clearly believes it is impossible to submerge the former into the latter; no matter how talented the actor, we always see the pretense.

     

    By contrast, what would it mean to instruct a model not to “act”? Bresson’s answers to this question more and more disclose an intertwining of aesthetic and philosophical commitments, just as we would expect. A view about what is necessary in order to avoid falseness in the depiction of what human-mindedness and attempts at communication involve, or “are really like,” so as to avoid mere seeming and to depict it being as it is, must involve some determinate commitment to how it really is, what it in the simplest sense looks like. And his report of his instructions to his models makes clear that he has strong views about mindedness itself: “Radically suppress intentions in your models.” This will result in what can seem an apparent automatism in line delivery and expression. “Nine-tenths of our movements obey habits and automatism. It is anti-nature to subordinate them to will and to thought.” 

     

    He wants to accomplish this — which he does by “directing” his models about how not to act and by shooting scenes dozens and dozens of times to insure a merely habitual line reading — because of some quite general views that will require attention to the films to understand fully. “Models mechanized externally, internally free. On their faces, nothing willful. ‘The constant, the eternal, beneath the accidental.’” Bresson obviously does not believe that in ordinary life people communicate with each other in what can sometimes seem an affectless, monotonic, robotic way, but he clearly does believe that on camera, the suppression of deliberate or visibly intentional expressiveness, and the use of minimalist voice inflection will allow the camera to record something that the human eye misses in rapid normal interchanges and that is psychologically revealing: aspects of the soul will, in essence, “leak out.” This in itself is a modernist strategy with which Bresson, a former painter, would have been quite familiar. Manet’s Olympia or Cézanne’s Bathers are both paintings that clearly do not aim at representational verisimilitude, but do try to picture something about beings in a world otherwise missed in ordinary perception. (“On the watch for the most imperceptible, the most inward movements.” “Make visible what, without you, might perhaps never have been seen.”)

     

    Bresson made these decisions about models and line delivery because he was clearly skeptical that a wide range of meaningful comportment with objects in the world and with others is conceptually self-conscious or at all cognitive, and suspicious as well that actions we perform are rightly understood by references to the intentions that we would self-consciously avow. That is, his suspicion of movie acting reflects a suspicion that why we do what we do is best understood by what intentions we would consciously express when asked why we are so acting, whether because of ignorance, habit, or self-deceit. This may be true in most cases, of course, but the situation is usually much more complicated in critical or decisive situations. (Au hasard, Balthazar opens with a reminder of this when the father flatly refuses to buy a donkey for his children and then, in a quick cut to the very next scene, they are taking Balthazar the donkey home.)

     

    “Models who have become automatic … their relations with objects and persons around them will be right, because they will not be thought.” I suggest that he does not merely mean “will seem right on camera because not acted out.” The rightness to which he refers is owed to the avoidance of a superficial view of the role of self-conscious thought in our ordinary familiarity with objects and persons in the world and in our actions. In turn, this implies something much broader: that at the original or primordial level of our experience, simply how things show up as salient in our world, the availability of anything to experience, is first of all a matter of what he calls “impressions and sensations.” I think that what he is getting at will require a more perspicacious language than impressions and sensations, which can suggest mere affects causally produced (which is not at all what he means; he is not pleading for empiricism or behaviorism). He is committing himself to something quite controversial: that there is a mode of nondiscursive intelligibility by virtue of which the world and indeed our own being in such a world are originally familiar and meaningful. (Filmed thought is felt thought, in other words, but still very much thought.) 

     

    This is a level of meaningfulness prior to perceptual and conceptual discriminability. Likewise, the camera must try to capture a relation between an agent and her deeds that is not limited to the conscious intentions that the agent would avow. For example, Bresson wants to deny that the effect of his directorial instructions produces inexpressiveness: “Involuntarily expressive models (not willfully inexpressive ones).” And “no psychology of the kind which discovers only what it can explain.” “When you do not know what you are doing and what you are doing is the best — that is inspiration.” The terms “impressions and sensations” are too limited to capture what the cinematographs achieve, but what he is after is clear enough when he gives this advice about shooting a scene — “Stick exclusively to sensations. No intervention of intelligence which is foreign to these impressions and sensations” — all again, because the intention in shooting this way is to capture how it is, not how it seems.

     

    This amounts to a position on the fundamental basic availability of a meaningful world of objects and others: that it is non-discursively and pre-cognitively available, that elements of a world become originally salient to us in their meaningfulness or mattering, and that we are onto any such meaning by being attuned to it in a way that parallels our unreflective absorption in a filmed world. Ultimately this entails something even more controversial philosophically: that a filmed fictional narrative can disclose something true about the human world, without such a truth being statable in a proposition. 

     

    Finally, while Bresson’s cinematographs have continuous plots, he does not believe that narrative continuity is the basic way that the films have the disclosive meaningfulness that they possess.

    Cinematographic film, where expression is obtained by relations of images and of sounds, and not by a mimicry done with gestures and intonations of voice (whether actors’ or non-actors’). One that does not analyze or explain. That recomposes. 

    As its name implies, Bresson means to compare his method of composition to writing with images, where images are understood not as represented contents so much as acquiring meaning in sequences. (As in the philosophical view known as linguistic holism, where the basic unit of meaning is not the word but the sentence.) “Cinematography: A new way of writing, therefore of feeling.” 

     

    All this produced in Bresson’s work what commentators rightly call a “cinema of montage and rhythm,” one that is “primarily poetry and music, the creation of new relationships between things, beings, sounds and images, as in the succession of shots.” This notion of a “pure” or completely formal montage as a vehicle of meaning can be taken too far. Bresson’s films are not like plotless silent films without intertitles; they are fictional narrative films, with plots, dialogue, and beginnings, middles, and ends. The images, the individual shots, have content, and the link between the shots — that is, the comprehensibility of the sequences — depend heavily on a continuity of sense among these contents, as well as what Bresson is emphasizing by appealing to cinematography: an atmospheric emotional coloring built from montage, the sequence itself. (This goes considerably beyond Lev Kuleshov’s famous experiments with montage and its impact upon the interpretation of imagery, since Bresson is assuming that his sequences of images can build to create a non-cognitive attunement to matters of significance and meaningfulness not otherwise available. And it is a reminder that while Sontag is right that form is meaning in Bresson, it goes too far to say that meaning is exclusively form, as in abstraction in painting.) 

     

    All of these formal matters bear on the treatment of the existential themes in the films: loneliness, deracination, solitude, the near impossibility of genuine communication, the sources of commitment or the failures of such commitment, and the possibility of radical conversion in a life, but the way they bear on these themes requires a detailed look at the films. And my brief example is the film which many consider his masterpiece, Au hasard, Bathazar. Bresson had already been making films for thirty years, and was in his sixties when he made this one.

     

    Au hasard, Balthazar is, in narrative terms, a dual plot film, and as in all dual plot narratives, the two are parallel and linked, each meant to shed light on the meaning of the other. One narrative depicts the fate and suffering of the donkey, Balthazar. Among other associations, Balthazar is traditionally taken to be the name of one of the three magi who visited the newborn Jesus. That status, as a witness, perhaps even as a figure for the director himself, is an important point by ironic contrast. What Balthazar witnesses in this world is not the birth of a god but unremitting depravity and evil. Besides that, another possible source is the story of Lucius in Apuleius’ The Golden Ass, and the one Bresson cites, the story told by Myshkin in Dostoevsky’s The Idiot, about how a donkey’s braying relieved his depression. 

     

    The other story in the film depicts the fate and the sufferings of a village girl, Marie, whom we see as a young girl and as an adolescent. (One signal of the link between the two narratives occurs several times in the film when Marie’s father is looking for her and repeatedly calls out her name in a braying way — “Marie! Marie!” — that closely echoes the sound we hear from Balthazar several times.) Balthazar is by turns a pet, a beast of burden and farm animal, again a pet of service to Marie’s family, a baker’s donkey used for deliveries, owned by a drunkard, Arnold, to give rides on tourist tours, a circus animal, Arnold’s again, cruelly mistreated by a grain merchant, again Marie’s domestic animal, and finally stolen by the most evil character in the film, Gérard, and used to smuggle merchandise across the border with Spain. Marie’s fate is likewise miserable. Her childhood romance with the son of the first owners of Balthazar, Jacques, is ruined by her father’s bitter and catastrophic dispute with Jacques’ family. She enters into a relationship, often confused and conflicted, with the hoodlum and the sadist Gérard. Even more confused and conflicted, and desperate to obtain the money she would need to escape the village, she offers herself one night to the grain merchant before (apparently) changing her mind. An attempted renewal of her bond with Jacques first fails, then appears to succeed as she resolves to face down and break with Gérard and his gang. This does not end well. The gang strips and abuses and probably rapes Marie, and she disappears from the film, likely dying by her own hand. (Throughout the story of Marie, the mindedness of characters is apparently as opaque to them as it is to us; it is nearly impossible to discover intentions, motivations, or any self-reflective moments at all. Her inconstancy and inconsistency are major features in the film.)

     

    Interwoven throughout the main two narratives are several subplots, and these and the two main plots intersect each other so frequently and unexpectedly that it is impossible to follow a continuous narrative line. (Bresson’s films are not content-less, but with all the ellipses, the reliance on montage, and the intersecting subplots, they are seriously “de-narrativized.”) Much of the editing appears au hasard, like chance events, like the drastic way in which the death of the child at the beginning, the sudden appearance of Arnold when Balthazar almost dies, and Arnold’s inheritance, impact the lives involved. The original owners of Balthazar and of the vacation home and farm that Marie’s father eventually farms for them begin the film in an eerie vignette — the illness and perhaps the death of the youngest child. This sad event is the reason the vacationing family never returns. The scene is a fine illustration of how the minimalization of expressivity can heighten rather than reduce the emotional impact of the images. The absence of any visible reaction to the child’s fate concentrates all the emotional power of the scene in the briefest indication of the terrible, limp lifelessness of the child, and then the sudden shock when we, as well as the characters, are suddenly propelled out of this childhood world by the crack of a whip. The scene is also typical of Bresson’s frequent use of ellipses. We leap ahead more than a dozen years to when Marie is sixteen.

     

    Another subplot involves Marie’s father’s ruinous relation with Jacques’ family. He changes careers from being a schoolteacher to being a farmer and actually becomes quite successful, so successful that rumors start that he is cheating the owner, who then demands that the father produce the records of the farm’s business. “Rumors” only begin to characterize Bresson’s treatment of village life as a world of resentment, jealousy, paranoia, conspiracies, and intense mutual surveillance. (The situation is even more extreme in his next and even darker film, Mouchette.) The father claims that he is insulted by this lack of trust, refuses to compromise, and ends up ruining his family’s life. The film strongly hints that the father has actually cheated the owner. He tells his wife that he cannot produce his receipts because he has not kept them, but we are shown that he has all of them. What seemed like pride turns out to be greed, and as Marie correctly notes, what seems like his righteous indignation is really self-pity. 

     

    There is also a strange and one-sided attraction between a middle-aged baker’s wife and the nefarious Gérard. The attraction is hardly maternal and is not reciprocated. There is a mysterious murder investigation that we learn little about (we do not discover who was killed, when, where, or how), but both Arnold and Gérard’s gang appear to be suspects. Bizarre conversations about “action painting” and agent responsibility occur during one of Arnold’s guided tours of the Pyrenees. Balthazar briefly escapes and is captured by a circus, where he becomes part of a phony “animal genius act,” and is recaptured by Arnold. Arnold suddenly inherits a fortune, promptly gets drunk, falls off Balthazar, and dies. 

     

    Throughout the two main narratives and these subplots, the film shows us a village in a modernizing transition, from one world to another, and the meaning of the transition is focused on consumer goods and technology, all as figures of later, or post-war, modernity: from donkey carts to automobiles, from ploughs to tractors, the intrusion of modern regulatory bureaucracy into rural farm life, a youth culture now fixated on transistor radios and motorbikes, parties fueled by alcohol and sex, money, and a general environment aptly summarized in perhaps the most basic bourgeois maxim of all by the grain merchant: “I love money and I hate death.” This is an explicit theme occasionally in the film. When we first meet Gérard, on his motorbike with his gang, he sardonically praises Marie’s father for his donkey: “very modern.” Throughout the film, and especially at the end, the only music we hear — non-diagetic music, that is, music heard by the viewers but not by the characters — is the andante movement from Schubert’s late piano sonata in A major D.959, a moving berceuse or lullaby-like section that seems associated with regret at both Balthazar’s and Marie’s loss of innocence and first exposure to a world aptly epitomized by that merchant’s motto.

     

    Another framing device for the film is its beginning and its end, and this again emphasizes the notion of a world. At the beginning the baby donkey Balthazar is in his world, the animal world, being nursed by his mother, surrounded by sheep whom we barely see, their presence signaled by their tinkling bells. The film begins with him being torn from that world for the amusement of the children, who find him cute and want him as a pet. (The intrusion of one world into another is signaled by that human arm “intruding” into the animal world.) The film ends with Balthazar, after all his suffering in the human world, returning to the comfort of an animal world, dying amid a large flock of sheep and clearly comforted by them. Around the middle of the film, he returns to an animal world in a different way, when he first arrives in the circus and there is a justly famous depiction of some sort of mutual intelligibility among the animals, as if acknowledging to each other that this intersection of worlds is not where they belong, in cages and performing tricks. It is almost as if the circus animals are warning Balthazar to get out while he can.

     

    It is this contrast between worlds that allows features of those worlds that would not otherwise be available to become indirectly accessible. The notion of world in such a claim is on the one hand very familiar — if we refer to the world of Citizen Kane, or the world of indigenous peoples, or the world of Balthazar, we know we do not mean merely the totality of encounterable objects — but on the other hand is quite philosophically complicated. World, in this sense, is not all that is the case (contra Wittgenstein’s famous dictum). It is a horizon of possible meaningfulness, a historical context that delimits what could matter to human beings at a time, and what could not, which enterprises are possible and which simply would not make sense. As noted, this idea of an always already deeply presupposed horizon of possible contextual significance is not something that could ever be an object in a world, because such a world is a condition for anything showing up meaningfully in experience at all. 

     

    A socio-historical account of facts about such a world is possible, but the possible significance or hierarchies of salience in common experience are not facts, and not even consciously held values. The same is true of “Quixote-like” projects; projects that just could not make sense. Everything we encounter in a historical world makes a kind of immediate familiar sense, pre-reflectively. I say immediate and pre-reflective, because this familiarity is not a matter of applying norms, rules, or conventions. The world of possible meaningfulness, by contrast, is itself not so encounterable. This original mode of meaningfulness is not originally a matter of conceptual classification or perceptual discrimination, but a far more direct form of familiarity. We do not first encounter perceptually discriminated objects and then bestow significance. The idea of such a two-step procedure is not phenomenologically credible (any more than a string of sounds is first heard as such and then interpreted as language). Entities and others in our experience show up, are salient, because of their degrees of significance in the practical tasks that a human being engages in, courses of action that are possible and could make sense at a particular time. (Or not.)

     

    For an example, consider an animal world, an issue quite important to Bresson’s film. An animal species is, like us, not just visually attentive to everything perceptually present. What emerges as salient — prey, predator, shelter, mate — and what does not, what means nothing to them — highways, power lines, planets — so emerges because of its species form. The suggestion is that how elements of our experience emerge as salient is as well a function of their mattering, but without at all being limited to our biological species form. This all means, as incomplete as such an account is, that when we ask about the human world that the characters inhabit in Au hasard, Bathazar, we ask not about what beliefs they have about what matters — given Bresson’s obvious doubts about self-deceit and self-opacity, this would be pointless — but about what the camera can show, which emerges as the context of significance that seems to inform and guide the decisions and actions and experiences of the characters, even, paradoxically, if that context is failed meaningfulness, a depiction of absence. How being in such a world bears on possible courses of action is a major issue in all his films. This is what Bresson is trying to show us cinematographically.

     

    Let us return to the issue of religion, and to the claim that Bresson is a religious filmmaker, even a Jansenist Catholic, all without any biographical evidence and in the face of his dismissal of the idea. Balthazar, for instance, is sometimes understood to be a kind of Christ figure, silently taking on and witnessing the burden of human depravity, until bearing that burden leads to his (perhaps) sacrificial death. But what these critics insist on as “transcendence” misdescribes the issue of significance discussed here. In Bresson’s film, objects are certainly not encountered as mere things or objects of perception, but this distinction does not establish a religious difference. The objects in his film are salient in the way they matter (or do not matter) within a world of possible mattering and in terms of what has come to matter to the persons who encounter them. They bear meaning, and often, as in the lingering shots of stairways and doors, just an intimation of meaning. Sometimes the meaning is aesthetic, as in the beauty of several scenes in his later film L’Argent. These are all matters of immanence, not transcendence. 

     

    It can look like several Jansenist commitments are evident in the films, if that is what one is looking for: the utter and unreformable sinfulness of human beings, predestination, salvation as a gratuitous and arbitrary gift of grace, never earned. On the one hand, while there is certainly unremitting depravity in many of Bresson’s films, he is more sensitive to the attractions of selfishness and resentment in the particular and concrete historical worlds that he is trying to depict. And there is certainly no universal sinfulness and depravity, no original sin, in Bresson’s films. Marie is well-meaning, but also confused; her mother is saintly; Jacques is weak and naïve, not sinful; and Arnold is more of a comic character than a villain. Similarly, the fatalism in the film need not be a religious doctrine either, but the consequence of there being very little in the way of concrete alternate possibilities in the depicted world, and “grace,” which is only stated as such in Diary of a Country Priest, could just as easily be an indication of the unexpected emergence of ways of mattering that could “by chance” (au hasard) drastically change or even redeem a boring or wasted life.

     

    In Balthazar, the direct allusions to religion seem heavily qualified: quoted, rather than appealed to. The children’s baptism of Balthazar in the beginning is likely ironic, a faint suggestion that baptism itself is childish and useless, not to mention that animals are not born in original sin and do not need to be baptized. The early emphasis on the innocence and the happiness of the children — they are as innocent as Balthazar — does not call out for the washing away of any sin. The only “fall” we see is the fall into the profane modern adult world. The single scene in a church serves only to emphasize the superficiality and untrustworthiness of religious practices, since the sadist Gérard is capable of singing like an angel. When Marie’s father is dying, the priest who comes to comfort him offers a few lame platitudes which do nothing to comfort the father or be of any use at all to his wife. And when Balthazar appears all kitted-out in religious decorations, likely for the funeral of Marie’s father, the impression is clownish, not devout. 

     

    All this could still be said to be consistent with the paradoxical “presence of the absence of religiosity,” but that absence does not seem to have any real grip in the town, and one would still need to discuss how that failure in particular might bear on the possibilities or lack of them in the world we see. It appears in the film, in so far as it appears at all, the way tradition, family, work, or community appear: as another failed source. While it is possible to see Balthazar as Christ-like in being “too good for this world” and therefore doomed to die, he ends up dying burdened not with the sins of the world but with contraband consumer goods; he resists his role whenever he can, and he dies by accident and in a manner which makes clear that there will be no resurrection. 

     

    I have suggested that Bresson’s accomplishment is to have discovered a cinematic form that can disclose the meaning, or the failure of meaning, in a person’s life by cinematically shifting our attention away from explicit psychological attitudes, away from what characters think about themselves and others (if they ever do — this is rare in this film), and instead by drawing attention to the common historical world that these characters inhabit and the way their conduct is subject to the possibilities allowed by such a world. This is to be understood as a horizon of possible significance, a source of mattering that is not a matter of beliefs or commitments, but a non-discursive orientation from possibilities that might make sense or not. This means that the cinematic depiction of this collective attunement is, at least as Bresson sees it, also largely non-discursive, what Bresson calls “emotional,” without the “intervention of intelligence.” 

     

    This is not to say that the characters do not evince attitudes, beliefs, desires, and so forth, but that they rarely seem to be reflective subjects of such attitudes. They are, rather, subject to them. Of course, one cannot have a belief or desire without knowing that one does, but such an awareness is normally understood to open up the possibility of asking oneself such things as whether one actually believes what one takes oneself to believe, or why one wants something, or what actually matters to one. Yet the question of why Gérard acts as he does, why Marie’s father will not compromise, what the baker’s wife wants from Gérard, why Arnold saves Balthazar, why Marie changes her mind about Jacques — this is not a question that is available to the characters.

     

    The cinematic technique expresses a philosophical commitment: a depiction of ordinary life which is characterized by a kind of self-forgetfulness, self-opacity, hierarchies of mattering that are not driven by reflective attitudes about what ought to matter, or even what actually does matters to one, but which rather seem to be inheritances of a common world that narrowly limits what could matter, even if that possibility is foreclosed, failed. Instead of appealing to expressivity, whether in language or even in intonation, facial expressions, and so forth, Bresson portrays what would normally be considered the attitudes and the desires of characters in an “external” way, as if those supposed “inner” states are actual only externally, in the public world that we see. “Movement from the exterior to the interior. (Actors: movement from the interior to the exterior.) The thing that matters is not what they show me but what they hide from me and, above all, what they do not suspect is in them.” Most often this is available only in what they do, although any access, for them and for the viewer, to why they do what they do, to their intentions, seems often, especially in critical, life-altering situations, unavailable. 

     

    One major disclosure of a character’s mindedness is Balthazar himself, who functions not just as a witness but also as a kind of screen on which what is at issue for the characters is projected. In some cases — “scapegoat” cases, we might say — Balthazar is treated as if he were the cause of some character’s mistake, failure, or misdeed. The most obvious is a rare instance of humor in the film, when a farmer driving a load of hay pulled by Balthazar drives recklessly, overturns the wagon, and then not only seeks out Balthazar to punish him as if he were at fault, but collects a group of his comrades to hunt down Balthazar, like the village mob out for Frankenstein’s monster. Arnold tries to beat Balthazar with a chair in what appears to be his own rage at himself for vowing not to drink and then failing in his resolve. Balthazar is sold by Marie’s father out of the same false pride (he thinks owning a donkey makes him look ridiculous) that leads him to destroy his family’s lives, without any sense that he knows what he is doing and why. The sight of Balthazar in the snow while Marie and Gérard carry on their assignations, and their indifference to him, their not caring about him, is a measure of the obsessive and self-destructive character of their involvement that is visible to us but not to Marie. The grain merchant’s indifference to any moral restraint — one could even say the state of his soul — is “visible” in the sight of Balthazar worked nearly to death, starved and beaten, and then in what appears to be an unmotivated reversal in his narcissism, manifested in his returning Balthazar to Marie’s family. Gérard’s frustration at his first failed seduction of Marie is projected onto Balthazar as he beats him gratuitously (as Marie, opaque and confused as ever, looks on.)

     

    The early garden scene is a different sort of projection, as Balthazar serves as a transitional object for Marie’s emerging sexuality. What is striking in the scene is that neither of them seems consciously minded in some determinate way (much like Balthazar, obviously). It is very unlikely that Marie has any knowledge of what she is doing, and the lovers, Marie and Gérard, move toward each other deliberately but not quite intentionally, and then separate the same way. In the last scene, it is as if Gérard is angry and frustrated in what seems a purely reactive rather than determinately motivated way. Balthazar is not conceivably his rival, despite his vulgar fantasies at the beginning of the scene.

     

    Marie adorns Balthazar as if he is a beloved, projecting herself in a fantasy of romance at once childish and provocative (it goes so far as a kiss), and she is clearly aware of the presence of someone else in the garden. We suspect, given her lingering there, that she knows it is Gérard. (As is often the case in Bresson, most famously in Pickpocket, hands bear a visual meaning that is at once powerful and also ambiguous.) In the conventional philosophical dichotomy between what I do and what happens to me, where the former is marked out by reflective intentions and the latter by such notions as drives, instincts, evolutionary imperatives, and being causally acted on rather than acting, the scene would probably be characterized by some version of the latter. But the dichotomy does not make room for what we see: someone who does not know why they are doing what they are doing but who is not impelled or driven to do it. Marie is acting deliberately but not knowingly, another indication of Bresson’s distrust of reflective consciousness in human affairs.

     

    There is also a prominent emphasis on the obscurity of human motivation in the two most important scenes in the movie: the final “conquest” of Marie by Gérard, with her deeply ambiguous “submission,” and her encounter with the grain merchant, where Bresson’s ellipses make it impossible to know even what actually happened that night. In the former, Marie’s simultaneous attraction and repulsion are conveyed with almost no dialogue, except at the very beginning. Balthazar is again the transitional object — all that Marie has ever loved, all that she knows of love — as Gérard has set him up by the road, hoping to induce Marie to stop as she drives, and she does. And then we have the completion, as it were, of the first scene of “hands” from the garden episode, as she now endures Gérard’s touch, allowing the touch even as she weeps at the absence of affection or tenderness. And then finally, in a combination of childish play and an escape game, Marie acts out her confusion, finally ending in an ambiguous posture of what is either willing submission or resigned surrender, or neither, or both. All of which finally ends with Gérard’s contrasting certainty about his sadistic victory.

     

    The village life that we see depicted ranges from the transactional and contractual to relations based on ego, vanity, and power, and these appear to be the only sources of meaningful life available in this world, something attested to, and witnessed by, Balthazar in the cruel treatment of him. (Even Marie allows him nearly to freeze to death when keeping her assignations with Gérard.) This is the source of the loneliness and the isolation that seems to envelop Marie and leads her to her most desperate but still conflicted act — her visit to the grain merchant, and an offer to sleep with him for enough money to leave the town — although she seems to withdraw the offer immediately, and then, perhaps, accept it on other terms. Bresson refuses to allow us any confirmation of whether Marie has resolved anything determinate.

     

    The film leaves us with two indelible images that call to mind again the contrast between “worlds” to which the presence of Balthazar throughout the film awakens us. The first image is a silent judgment on the naked reality of modern sources of significance. The second invokes the possibility of a kind of ironic transcendence, not beyond this world into another redemptive one, but an “animal” peace and comfort that looks utopian when compared to what we have.

    The distance between these two images might suggest that the right judgment to make about Marie’s world, with its meager resources of shared significance, is despair. But we know, and we know from the form of the film, that what happened both to Marie and to Balthazar is horrific. And as Shakespeare’s Edgar reminds us, “The worst is not/ So long as we can say, ‘This is the worst.’”