Invalid Afternoons

    1.
    Precocious in her dotage, she teeters like a top unravelling,
    now spinning, now faltering, now lunging across
    living room carpets, over

    William Morris tendrils and Bokara medallions, past
    the leather sofa and beyond,
    arriving at the south window.

    She stoops over the hope chest with her watering can,
    drenching the amaryllis, dotting orchids and jade with ice,
    then pruning the cactus blossoms.

    One by one, she pulls off their delicate,
    erotic red heads, leaving
    the sheath for the next flower to occupy, and the next.

    She is not dying, she reminds herself, though today she feels
    a sort of emotional anemia come over her, a thinning
    inside, a rising-up of white corpuscles over red.

    There is shame, she thinks, in yielding
    to this voluptuous ennui, shame
    in failing to school the mind past boredom, past

    the exquisite temptation of absolute emptiness.
    Didn’t her mother tell her a commonplace—
    that she had no inner resources?

    To be complacently bored, she preached, is to be
    an ill-bred donkey:  Solo los burros se aburren,
    the refrain of her childhood. Her mother’s go-to line.

    She plays it now, over and over, and almost laughs
    to think somehow it has to do with her
    after a lifetime of ardor and infatuation.

    2.
    In her nostalgia she thinks of snow and snow days,
    of lazy afternoons with children demanding snow
    men and snow balls and snow angels

    and excursions to the park along the majestic snow-laden
    Avenue of Pines, the ancient trees hanging over
    the picture-perfect American families,

    the snow-packed branches
    now protecting, now threatening.
    Now gone.

    Today the March winds cut through a snowless city, a barren
    light over it all, exposing late-winter detritus, impending
    decline, the house silent, as she detects in her lungs

    a breeze, imagines a multitude of voyages, remembers
    landscapes, a lake—near frozen—a boat, a shoreline, the sound
    of waves breaking inside her chest, an impediment, a voice—

    something from deep inside the rim, something
    unreachable, the waters rolling towards her, rolling,
    her briny cough a harbinger

    of who knows what
    in her future, something illegible, distilled,
    a promise in the unfathomable sea of self, of selves.

    3.
    But life is good, she thinks today, as she hears
    the irrepressible cardinal, newly arrived,
    beseeching his mate, sees

    the neighbor’s calico alert, though the bird is out of reach—
    Stubbornly, he waits for some sudden splendor to fall
    into his lap, his tail twitching.

    The bird is immoderate
    in his casual exultances. She loves him
    immoderately, loves the world

    immoderately for all its violence and decadence. Even
    its boredom is lovable. She wants
    never to leave it. Never.

    4.
    Under the yews the tulips push through the loam. Life
    insisting its way back again. Ötzi, the frozen mummy found
    in the Alps, had thirty varieties of pollen in his stomach,
    some ibex meat and two chunks of wild goat.

    There was evidence of arthritis and over fifty wounds, all
    treated with Copper Age acupuncture, tattoo-style,
    from head to toe.
    When they chipped him out of the glacier he was smiling
    his Neolithic smile: what fleeting happiness
    before the avalanche felled and swallowed him?

    Nine Little Girls 

    Some years ago, deep into a confounding research assignment for which I had been combing through the website of the South Dakota legislature, I stumbled upon the recorded testimony of a woman describing in detail her own rape and torture, and the tortures of her sisters by the same hands. In her account the acts, which allegedly took place in the 1960s and 1970s, continued for several years and had begun when they were all children some fifty years earlier. The discovery of that testimony was a thing that happened to me, an event in my life, in the way realizing for the first time that my parents will grow old and die was an event in my life. The sound of her voice, the stories she told, gripped me, and attached me to a group of people I had never met, to a story that, before that evening, had nothing at all to do with me and my world. 

    We are surrounded, of course, by reports of atrocities of various kinds, and the mass of them often has the unfortunate effect of inuring us to many hells. But on that day I encountered a human voice and, despite our cultural preoccupation with trauma, which should have readied me to understand what I heard, I did not know how to think about what the woman’s voice was saying. In a confrontation not with data points, but with a personal account of extreme cruelty, I was without adequate resources. I recognized the problem of my human unpreparedness. 

    The horrors needed to be studied and reflected upon over time. There were implications that I needed to work out, and understandings that I needed to develop. Framings that had seemed sturdy and fundamental now felt flimsy. I experienced the testimony of those abused women as new knowledge, which ruptured trusted conceptions of justice and duty. It was not obvious to me that justice was possible here, or that this evil could be punished. My strongest sensation was of having been inducted into a darker acquaintance with the world.

    The story stayed with me. What follows is not an attempt at investigative journalism or historical scholarship. I wish only to share what I discovered, in order to give an account of how I tried to find a mental and social context for certain acts, and to offer some reflections about how to think about them. Much of the grisly information relayed here is in the public domain. It turns out that there is a lot that we do not know, and do not comprehend, about the public domain. 

    Geraldine Charbonneau believes that the scars from her abortion must have been there since just before her seventeenth birthday, though for most of the intervening decades she couldn’t remember the procedure that left them, or the rape that she says necessitated it. Like all eight of her sisters (Louise, Francine, Mary, Barbara, Joann, and three others who wish to remain anonymous), and like most victims of childhood sexual assault, she claims that she repressed memories of the abuse that she sustained while a child and a teenager. Louise, Geraldine’s older sister, alleges that she was in third grade when she became the first of her family to be abused by the priests and nuns at St. Paul’s Mission School (now called Marty Indian School), a Catholic school in Marty, South Dakota. The nine sisters were born and raised in Olga, North Dakota into a tribe of the Anishinaabe people known by the federal government as the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians, to a strong-willed matriarch, the mother of seventeen children. They were among those Native toddlers whose parents had willingly sent them to Native boarding school in order to secure an education that could supply the skills necessary to thrive in this country. Others across the country were ordered from their homes by government officials, still others were allegedly forcibly taken from their families. 

    Both Charbonneau parents died without ever hearing their daughters’ stories. Like other children at similar boarding schools across the country, the nine sisters say they were warned not to tell anyone about the abuse they alleged took place there. When the nuns at St. Paul’s discovered that Geraldine was pregnant, they warned her that if she revealed her condition to her parents, all three of them would burn in eternal hell. In a clandestine operation in the school’s infirmary, Geraldine recalls, her fetus was aborted and forced into the incinerator in the basement. “They always kept a fire burning in the incinerator room,” she said. “ I know now that’s where they put the unborn child. They burned it.” 

    Since the inception of the Native American boarding school movement, the goal of these institutions has been the deracination of young Native Americans and their assimilation into American life. The schools were considered a potential solution for the “Indian Problem” beginning in the 1870s. They were conceived as a progressive alternative to the reservation policy, which had long been the favored policy in America. In 1869 the New York Times declared that “the only possible method [with which to keep Indians from hindering American growth] would seem to be to rigidly confine Indians to certain specific localities, until by their good conduct or progress in civilization they can be allowed perfect freedom.” Two and a half decades later, in an article entitled “Senator Dawes Talks to the Cambridge Indian Rights Association” the Times reported favorably about Dawes’ support for the reservation policy: “ [The Indian] is losing the last acre of his heritage. He can no longer retreat from the advance of civilization. We must either support him in idleness or else devise some way to make him a part of us and absorb him into our body politic. As we cannot exterminate him, we must make something of him.” 

    Colonel Richard Henry Pratt, the pioneer of the Native American boarding school movement, and the founder of Carlisle, the first off-reservation boarding school, delivered a speech in 1892 entitled “Kill the Indian, Save the Man.” In it he conceded that the only good Indian is a dead one, a nod to General Philip Sheridan’s infamous evaluation, but he urged the country to commit bloodless — that is to say, cultural — genocide. If granted entry into what he and most other whites of the period considered an indisputably superior way of life, Pratt assured his audience, the Indians would abandon their traditions willingly. This, he thought, was a far more humane and effective method than Jefferson’s reservation strategy, by which Natives were sequestered on patches of land “held apart from all association with the best of our civilization.” Pratt was proposing to erase them with kindness, or at least tolerance. 

    Many Natives agreed with him about the reservations, and about the hope of assimilation. There were Indian teachers and parents who supported Pratts’ schools, and who clung to the chimera of a “white man’s chance.” Pratt’s promise was made at the start of a great wave of immigration that would alter the American sense of belonging and identity. He conjured a future in which it was possible for a Native to become an American in a pre-multicultural context. It was, in essence, a melting-pot argument for America’s indigenous population. What is most unnerving about Pratt’s famous oration is its jumble of progressivism and racism. The speech champions the liberal truth that there is something essential and irreducible in all people that transcends their particularity. Pratt espoused a jarringly humanist argument. It was 283 also a universalist argument, rather like the French view of citizenship since the Enlightenment: erase your difference,
    lose your traditions, and you will be welcomed as members of the general society. 

    This mottledness in Pratt’s objectives, the mixture of good and evil, of benign and malign intentions, is characteristic of much of the Native American experience. It is a messy story, peopled with unlikely alliances and incongruous endings, and whereas the larger moral picture may be clear, and the historical verdict about American prejudice unequivocal, the story closer to the ground is clouded with complexities. There are plainly abhorrent actors whom some Natives defend. For decades after the rumored abuses that took place at Native American boarding schools had become semi-notorious within many Indian tribes, there were Native subcultures in which Carlisle was revered. 

    The first compulsory education clause affecting Native Americans appears in 1858 in a treaty between the United States and the Pawnees. Such clauses would appear in ten other treaties before the end of the treaty period in 1871. In 1891, federal legislation was passed which extended compulsory school attendance to all Indians regardless of tribe. In 1893, for a single year, it was legal for government officials to withhold “rations or the furnishings of subsistence either in money or in kind to the head of any Indian family” for failure to send Indian children between the ages of eight and twenty-one to school the previous year (this legislation and its revocation the following year can be found in chapter 7 of the US Code title 25). Nonetheless, there are cases of children being forcibly separated from their families well into the twentieth century. Consider the case of Dennis Seely, who was removed from his home and sent to the Tekakwitha Indian Mission in Sisseton, South Dakota in 1946 (further horrifying details of the Seely case, which have been made public, are of a piece with those of the nine sisters). In 1929 much of the authority to enforce Native school attendance was given to the states. The Meriam Report, commissioned by the Department of the Interior and published in 1928, focused on reservation and boarding school poverty. All 847 pages of the report, detailing a truly appalling episode in our nation’s history, are easily accessible online. Regarding the Native American boarding schools, it reads in part: 

    For several years the general policy of the Indian Service has been directed away from the boarding school for Indian children and toward public schools and Indian day schools…. It is, however, still the fact that the boarding school, either reservation or non-reservation, is the dominant characteristic of the school system maintained by the national government for its Indian wards. 

    The survey staff finds itself obliged to say frankly and unequivocally that the provisions for the care of the Indian children in boarding schools are grossly inadequate. 

    The outstanding deficiency is in the diet furnished the Indian children, many of whom are below normal health. The diet is deficient in quantity, quality, and variety……. 

    The boarding schools are frankly supported in part by the labor of the students. Those above the fourth grade ordinarily work for half a day and go to school for half a day…. The question may very properly be raised as to whether much of the work of Indian children in boarding schools would not be prohibited in many states by the child labor laws. 

    Just ten years after Carlisle’s founding, 10,500 of the roughly 36,000 Native student population went to Native boarding schools shaped by Pratt’s social-evolutionary philosophy. A web of these schools spread across the country over the course of the next century. 

    Allegations about the mistreatment of Native students at these establishments are as old as the schools themselves. Children were allegedly forced to eat lye soap for speaking their native tongue, whipped for running away, and beaten simply for holding one another’s hands. Some died from malnourishment. Disease due to overcrowding was rampant. Richard Monette, professor of law at UW-Madison, former president of the Native American Bar Association, and a graduate of a boarding school in North Dakota (and former chairman of the Turtle Mountain Tribe), put it this way: “Native America knows all too well the reality of the [Native] boarding schools, where recent generations learned the fine art of standing in line single-file for hours without moving a hair, as a lesson in discipline; where our best and brightest earned graduation certificates for homemaking and masonry; where the sharp rules of immaculate living were instilled through blistered hands and knees on the floor with scouring toothbrushes; where mouths were scrubbed with lye and chlorine solution for uttering Native words.” 

    Still, as always, the history is complicated. Not all student experiences at Native boarding schools are alike. Some former students recall their time at these schools fondly. For many it provided an education and an opportunity to develop inter-tribal Native identities, since schools often mixed students from different tribes. Michelle Dauphinais Echols, the Charbonneau sisters’ cousin and lawyer, is one such alumna. Like her cousins, she attended St. Paul’s. Even after spending the better part of the past decade pursuing justice on the nine sisters’ behalf, she describes the years she spent at the school happily. It was with her help, patience, and example that I was able to explore this episode. 

    What follows are the accounts that the nine sisters have given about their time at St. Paul’s in the 1960s and 1970s. These stories have been edited for brevity and clarity. 

    On the first Monday of every school year all of us would undergo the same initiation ritual: Straight off the bus we’d be organized into one long line and then stripped naked. Once we reached the front of the line, nuns would pour DDT powder, a poisonous insecticide, over our heads and bare bodies [for delousing]. We were told this was because we were dirty Indians and had to be debugged. If we tried to wash the powder off, we’d be forced back in line and the process would simply be repeated. Every single year, the first Friday evening at the end of that first week the entire school would assemble, and they would screen films of Jews in concentration camps lined up towards the gas chambers. The next morning all of us would be led into group showers where we would finally be permitted to wash off that powder. After washing each child would stand naked in front of the nuns waiting for us just outside the bathroom in order to inspect our bodies. They would  bend us over and touch us before finally permitting us to collect our clothes and redress. From that very first week, that fear of being put into the gas chamber was instilled and remained throughout our time at St. Paul’s. 

    There were all kinds of horrors awaiting us after that initial trial. Some of us suffered permanent frostbite, some still bear physical scars from the beatings administered by the nuns and priests. Some of us were beaten so badly we had to be hospitalized for up to ten days. Some of us were sodomized. Some have scars from births and abortions from being raped by our caretakers. Once, on an outing to a lake, one of the boys went into the water and started to drown and we were all screaming asking them to help him but the priests and nuns just ignored us and he died. No one took care of us. We had no mother or father figures. There were no toys. We made friends quickly. We had to — friendship was a form of protection. We always had our cliques. We had to have our cliques to look out for one another, or we would have been severely beaten on a daily basis. The staff hated us. They made us know they hated us in no uncertain terms. They gave us no affection. We wouldn’t have known what a hug was or how to have a bond with anybody if it hadn’t been for the summers back home with our mother. We were the lucky ones because we got to go home. There were students there who couldn’t afford the trip back, and they had to stay at that place the whole year round. 

    School was 700 miles away from our hometown. There was no way to connect with family. They made sure of that. Even our aunt and uncle, who lived on the grounds because they worked at the school, never got to see us. From the moment you got there it was total isolation at Marty. They enforced it by beatings, strappings, shaving heads, by saying “You’ll go to hell. Your parents will die and they’ll go to hell.” If one of us was at one table and we saw our sisters at another we didn’t dare say hello, just made eye contact. No talking at all. Sometimes when they fed us that mush we’d put it in our hands and go wash them at the sink, and that was the only time we’d be able to lean against a friend or touch their shoulders. If you were caught touching you got the worst beating of your life. 

    There was always the lurking of a priest or of this one man, the groundskeeper, who worked there and who also molested us. It was like they had different signals that they gave each other. Like for instance, the man who molested Louise would hold her to a chair by the front of her clothes and use his finger on her. And sometimes a few of his fingers. And then he would leave her there and we would see him making a motion with his hand to one of the priests and he would come over and do what he wanted with her. Was the hand motion a sign that she was ready for intercourse? We couldn’t be sure. But we remember definitely the secret looks they gave each other, and the snide remarks they’d make about young girls becoming women. Geraldine says her sexual abuse started when she was eight. Father George began to try and touch her and kiss her. Father George kissed her several times which made other children tease her and say that Father George was in love with her. Father Francis was in the room when Father George 289 kissed her. He laughed and accused Father George of saving Geraldine all for himself. 

    Father Francis was clever. He tricked Barbara into trusting him. The way he did it was, he knew that our aunt and uncle lived on the grounds and that we couldn’t go see them on our own, and we were so desperate for some connection with family. Father Francis would say ‘Come with me, I’ll take you to visit your uncle.’ And she missed our mom and dad so much so she’d go with him. And then after he’d gained her trust he would take her to the church basement and force her to fondle him and perform oral sex. Once there was a coffin in the church basement, maybe they were preparing the body for burial in there, and he lifted her up and showed her, there was a dead woman in it and he put her in that coffin next to the corpse and said if Barbara ever told anyone he’d lock her up in there. So we learned to keep quiet. 

    The groundskeeper who abused Louise had a big ring of keys with him all the time. When we were in the little girls dorm, so we must have been about fourth graders, we would say to each other “did you hear some keys? Some keys clinking in the night?” Because we used to hear them jingle. And on the nights that we heard them jingle, we’d see a priest in the dorm at night. We learned to pull the blankets up over our heads and hold our breath so he wouldn’t pick our bed to climb into. Once Louise went to the bathroom in the middle of the night and came back and found a man in her bed. This man with the keys was letting them in through the tunnels that run under the school, for the pipes, you know. The tunnels are still there now. They run underground connecting every building in the school — the rectory, the church, and the dorms. That’s how the priests got in. 

    The nuns were in on it, too. They let the priests do what they wanted, and they abused us too. They used to pull our blouses down, making believe that they thought we’d hidden something in our bras, but knowing full well we hadn’t. They just wanted to humiliate us. It was a team effort. We were handed around like used clothing, and nobody cared. Even the missionaries who worked at the school were in on it. There was no one to turn to and we knew it. We were told that we would be hurt if we told anybody, that they would kill our parents and our parents would go to hell. We certainly couldn’t turn to our parents so we buried it so deep inside that there was no way it would ever surface. 

    For many years none of the sisters spoke of their alleged abuse to each other or to anybody else. This is not uncommon. According to CHILDUSA, if child victims of sexual assault disclose at all, they do so during adulthood. The median age of disclosure is 48, the average age is 52. Of those who do disclose, only 6% to 15% contact authorities, while most others confide only in friends. That is why many state statutes of limitations for cases of childhood sexual assault, if they exist at all (some states have no SOL and permit plaintiffs to come forward at any time), provide timeframes for plaintiffs to bring their case after memories are likely to have resurfaced, rather than immediately after the incident occurred. 

    Geraldine Charbonneau was alarmed when asked by her gynecologists, who recognized the scarring, if she had gotten an abortion early in life. She had buried the memory of the procedure since it had happened. It was not until a family gathering in 2009 that one of the sisters, Louise, told the others that she had been abused at St. Paul’s and asked if they had been too. Barbara Kay Charbonneau recalled that “We all cried but nothing was said. It was so traumatic, so incomprehensible. But the memories came back one right after the other…. It was like Pandora’s Box was opened.” 

    The sisters had been approached in 2006 by other alumni who were members of a class action suit seeking recompense for abuses sustained by students at boarding schools such as St. Paul’s. Between 2003 and 2010, over a dozen alumni of South Dakota’s Catholic boarding schools filed civil lawsuits against the federal government, the Catholic Diocese of Sioux Falls, and various religious orders operating the schools. The following descriptions of abuse are from the Complaint for Zephier, et al. v United States of America (2003): 

    a. Plaintiff, Sherwyn Zephier, attended Boarding School at St. Paul’s at Marty, South Dakota, in the Yankton Reservation, where he was beaten and witnessed nuns regularly commit sexual assaults on boys; 

    b. Plaintiff, Adele Zephier, attended Boarding School at St. Paul’s at Marty where she was sexually abused by a priest, who would put his hands under her dress and fondle and penetrate her. She was also physically abused by the nuns, one of whom would pick her up by her hair, shake her, and lock her in a closet for hours. 

    c. Plaintiff, Roderica Rouse, also attended St. Paul’s at Marty Boarding School, and was physically beaten and sexually abused by a priest in the same manner as Adele Zephier. 

    d. Plaintiff, Lloyd B. One Star, attended the St. Francis Board School in South Dakota, on the Rosebud reservation. He was physically beaten and sexually abused from the age of 6 to age 10 by multiple priests and nuns, which included oral sex and sodomy. He was threatened physically by the priests if he told about the abuse. He was beaten and tortured continuously for a week, including head slappings and paddlings, for telling his father about the abuse. 

    e. Plaintiff, Edna Little Elk, attended the St. Francis Boarding School on the Rosebud reservation in the period 1921-24. She was locked in an attic for days because she did not speak English. She was beaten and stripped by both nuns and priests. She witnessed her cousin, Zona Iron Shell, beaten to death in front of her. She also witnessed other girls being sexually fondled by priests. 

    f. Plaintiff, Christine Medicine Horn, attended the St. Pauls Boarding School at Marty. Because she did not speak English, she was thrown down a three-story laundry chute. She was also stuffed in a trash can and locked in an incinerator for not speaking English. She was forced to strip to her underwear, when she was whipped with a leather strap. 

    g. Plaintiff, Lois L. Long, attended the Holy Rosary Boarding School in the Pine Ridge Reservation. Because she was left-handed, her educator accused her of Satanism and attempted to “cure” her by tying her left hand which caused permanent physical injuries. She was repeatedly stripped and beaten by nuns. During baths, the nuns would fondle her and attempt to “wash the devil out” of her. 

    After memories of their alleged abuse resurfaced, the sisters joined Bernie v Blue Cloud Abbey, a class action suit that was a consolidation of eighteen cases. In 2010, days before the case was scheduled to go to trial, the South Dakota Statute of Limitations (SOL) for childhood sexual assault (SDCL 26-10-25) was amended to bar claims against entity defendants after plaintiffs reach the age of 40. (Recall that the average of disclosure for cases of childhood sexual assault is 52 and the median age is 48.) 

    The amended SOL was drafted and introduced by Steven Smith, a lawyer for the Congregation of the Priests of the Sacred Heart, the religious order that operates St. Joseph’s Indian school. At the time the bill was drafted, Smith was the lawyer for the defendants in about a dozen pending cases of abuse alleged to have occurred at St. Joseph’s Indian School. The judge applied the new statute of limitations retroactively, and dismissed the case. About the amended SOL and the judge’s decision to retroactively apply it just days before the suit went to trial, Joelle Casteix, western regional director of Survivors Network of Those Abused by Priests, observed to WOMENSENEWS: “you bet the South Dakota legislation was designed to keep Native American lawsuits out of the courts. The Church has a hard time defending itself because it has the proof. It keeps a paper trail on sexual-abuse complaints.” And indeed during discovery for the case letters surfaced in which, for example, Abbot Thomas Hillebrand wrote to a victim and former student, in November 2008, “[Denis Quinkert] does know that he was going through a crisis in his vocation and a deep struggle with his own sexuality. And he is deeply sorry for the hurt that he caused you…. The favor that I want to ask is that you do not mention that incident outside of the sacrament of Confession. It causes a lot of damages to his character and sets off all sorts of alarms in the official Church.” 

    Every year since 2010, the Charbonneau sisters and their families return to South Dakota to lobby for a change in legislation that would allow them to bring their case to trial. In 2015 Michelle Dauphinais Echols drafted an amendment to the South Dakota SOL which would permit the sisters to reopen their claim and allow other survivors to bring forward their claims as well. The bill failed. After conversations with opponents of her original amendment, Dauphinais Echols drafted a new proposal which, if passed, would create a two-to- three year loophole in the 2010 Statute of Limitations, during which time plaintiffs would be permitted to bring their case to court. This bill failed as well. In 2018 Dauphinais Echols created the advocacy group 9littlegirls, dedicated to bringing awareness to child sexual abuse and to pursuing justice and healing. Every year she and her cousins, with bipartisan support from South Dakota representatives, present the bill to the legislature, and every year it is defeated. 

    II 

    A person raped can never be unraped. They will have those scars inside themselves until they die. The sisters’ pain is the silent, festering pain of overlooked people. It is not exquisite, glamorous, articulate, or redemptive. Nobody marches to denounce it. They suffer in obscurity, and the obscurity, the indifference of their surroundings to their story, compounds the suffering. They live with their understanding of all that was done to them and all that has not been done for them. 

    We have been taught that the knowledge of tragedy can transform societies. There are victims, such as Raphael Lemkin, coiner of the term “genocide,” who are able to salvage dignity from their personal tragedies by forcing others to be transformed by their experiences and the knowledge they managed to harvest from them. Lemkin, whose mother, father, and forty-seven other relatives were killed in Treblinka in 1943, dedicated most of his life to this effort. But there is nothing about victimhood that confers a capacity to do such work. The general truth is that tragic circumstances do not make ordinary people into extraordinary people. And people with the internal resources to bring tragedy eloquently and affectingly to our attention are rarer than tragedy itself. There were the slaves and there was Frederick Douglass. It is not the responsibility of a victim to know how to make use of her pain or give it lasting voice. Pain grants no wisdom, only the need for it. 

    No consolation will come to the nine sisters, but their stories should be known anyway. There are practical reasons for this, and I will list and explain them, but first I must say that the primary effect of their story is to explode our faith in happy endings. By telling their story or arguing for reform we can fulfill the duties of ethical beings and that is some comfort, but the sisters are themselves beyond the reach of solace. For them, the horror is irreversible. It is essential that we grasp this about all victims of atrocity — we must understand the aftermath in which they are condemned to live. 

    The South Dakota legislature will not give these sisters their day in court, and even if they did, the law still would have little capacity to enforce justice in their case. The scars will stay, they are indelible. The cultural genocide will not be undone, despite the astonishing power of Native cultures to sustain and to flourish. In 1975 St. Paul’s School, like many of these institutions, was transferred from the church to tribal control and became Marty Indian School. There is no one left even to punish. The alleged rapists and sadists are long dead: their mortality, and popular indifference, protected them. There should be monuments in the streets in South Dakota commemorating the horrors that were done there. High school students throughout this country should know the disgraceful history of these boarding schools. But if all this were to happen, by some social miracle, still justice would not be done. The wounded will remain the wounded. 

    And we do not have the luxury of saying that we tell these stories to stop evils like them from happening again. Our cultural obsession with utility, our impulse to respond always with practical steps, misleads us. This will happen again. Such horrors will be repeated. We know too much about human nature to believe only in human goodness, and in the efficacy of historical lessons. One of the essential characteristics of humankind is that it contains evil. There will always be evil people, and many of them will escape punishment, and there will always be an overwhelming majority of disinterested onlookers, a mass of unmoved movers, who will facilitate that evasion. 

    In this story the onlookers play a particularly disturbing part. After all, as people like to say, the story is complicated. Not all the students were brutalized. Many enjoyed their time at the Native boarding schools. Should the alleged tragedies of some overshadow the normalcy of others? Many Native survivors with the strength to seek justice are asked this question. Why soil the reputation of whole groups and whole institutions by making them known only for their crimes? Aren’t they much more than the darkness they harbor? These are questions that have been asked also about the rapes and abuses that were perpetrated against other students at different sorts of schools in America. The question is basically an invitation to lie or to look away, and in so doing to damage the victims and distort the history still further. In the protracted wrestling with these issues in many Catholic dioceses in America, the path of truth was eventually chosen. If children in Boston deserve truth and protection, so do children in South Dakota. Perhaps we feel awkward about intruding upon the privacy of another community, but all ethical criticism and action is a kind of intrusion. 

    Most victims will not be rescued, and their aftermath will stretch on, and those who could have saved them, or ameliorated their conditions, but did not, will not be absolved of complicity. Yet we must be careful not to tell these stories in order to absolve ourselves. The act of telling the story redeems no one — not us, not the victims. The tales may increase the ethical sensitivities of the hearers — or they may be treated only as stories, a passing disturbance of our minds with a beginning and an end, a structure which has the effect of abrogating shock. As an incentive to change, narrativity’s power may be exaggerated. These stories must be inducted into our national collective memory, alongside every other significant episode in our national history, the magnificent and the repugnant, for another reason: because America should know what America is. 

    There is a pop-therapeutic axiom that talking through pain or anxiety will diminish its power. Americans believe in the salvific power of speech. One long heart-to-heart and the world is already a better place. Let’s talk it out. That platitude is actually a sugary dilution of The Talking Cure, which has an interesting origin. It was first conceived by Bertha Pappenheim and inducted into our lexicon by Freud, who included hers as the first of six case studies in Studies on Hysteria. But it is worth noting that Pappenheim did not talk through her pain in the way that contemporary mental health advocates seem to think she did. She found, in consultation with her doctor, Josef Breuer, that her somatic disorders — headaches, partial paralyses, loss of sensation — would begin to weaken if she could recall aloud to him the repressed traumas and emotions related to the initial manifestations of each symptom. This process has little to do with let’s talk it out, with the theory that assumes that there is something inherently healing for a survivor about telling others their stories. Pappenheim wanted Breuer to fix the symptoms of a wound that itself could not be fixed. She wanted respite, not consolation or redemption. And respite was the most that the discursive therapeutic setting could offer her. 

    Talking it out is not always healing. It certainly has not been so for the Charbonneaus. Recalling their childhood, which they had for years done their best to forget, is excrucating for them. Silence is a natural reaction to the experience of horror, and a dignified one. Within the Native American community, the sisters are among many who have withdrawn into silence. Children of the survivors of the Native boarding schools were told by their parents not to go looking for clues about what happened in those places. Often this silence is an expression of shame, which many of these descendants say colored their childhoods, and was bequeathed to them. The shame makes the heavy memory heavier. 

    Some say it is fatal. The sisters who survive her believe that Louise Charbonneau, who died suddenly in 2020, just three weeks before she and her sisters planned to return to the South Dakota Legislature once again, could not bear to retell her story. They say that the looming burden, the annual pilgrimage back in time, hastened her death. During testimony for the proposed amendment, Geraldine told the legislators: “I feel the Creator took her home so she didn’t have to come here again, so she didn’t have to be raped all over again by your ‘no’ vote.” Is it ever a victim’s responsibility to relive her trauma? 

    In cases of atrocity, it is essential that the onlookers, and not just the victims, bear the burden of remembering. For over two centuries, since Carlisle’s founding, these stories have remained outside our national collective memory. It is a moral imperative that this willed amnesia be cured — not just among the tribes, and not just in South Dakota and North Dakota, and all the other states in which the boarding schools stood. These atrocities deserve to be incorporated into the shared past of the country, out of respect for the humanity that was desecrated and as an impediment to future desecrations. I say impediment advisedly. Collective memory, and even historical knowledge, certainly cannot preclude the recurrence of injustice. One of the saddest and most erroneous claims of the post-Holocaust sensitivity to atrocity is its confidence that the remembrance of past evil will prevent future evil. Survivors and victims bet a lot on the power of memory to dissuade people from violent action. But by now we ought to know better. “Never Again” did not prevent Bosnia, or Rwanda, or Syria. The destruction of the concentration camps built for Jews in Europe did not prevent the construction of the concentration camps built for Uighurs in Xinjiang today. 

    Evils must be remembered by people to whom they did not happen. We must remember other people’s histories. It is reasonable to wonder whether people can remember things that they have not experienced. Doesn’t that defy the nature of individual memory? But we do so all the time. We call this ubiquitous and mysterious phenomenon collective memory. Descendants of slaves never experienced slavery, and yet they are right to say that they remember it. The children of Holocaust survivors never experienced the Holocaust, and yet they are right to say that they remember it. It is possible to achieve great proximity to the experiences of other people. 

    In order to remember what did not happen to you, you have to immerse yourself so completely in the knowledge of the past that an inner intimacy with it is achieved and it takes on the sensation of personal acquaintance. The instrument of this intimacy, of this acquaintance, is the imagination — not the imagination of fantasy but the imagination of fact. Every year on Passover every Jew is enjoined to conceive of herself “as if she herself had left Egypt” two thousand years before her birth. That “as if” is the ancient rabbinical euphemism for the imagination. Even remembering episodes of one’s own group’s history is a creative exercise which requires an imaginative leap. The imagination is an ethical instrument. It has to be such: if the only evils one could conceive, abhor, and fight are those one has experienced oneself, then fortunate people would be useless against injustice. Which, for this reason, they often are. 

    The women of Olga, North Dakota are not like anyone I have ever known. Their personal histories are quite alien to me. We are children of different Americas, and I have no natural understanding, based on my own life history, of how these Ojibwe women lived and what they endured and how they interpreted it, though it may be easier for me to incorporate their stories into my collective memory because my own tradition supplied a training course in the importance of such strenuous empathy. (I have thought many times while researching the story of the Charbonneaus that the Jewish tradition’s emphasis on memory was essential preparation for this work.) But despite the differences between us, the distance in space and in background, the emphatic otherness, these women have haunted me, have been with me, since that night three years ago.

    In the space of an evening, I went from knowing almost nothing about these stories to becoming familiar with myriad specific details, and then to imagining minutes and hours that occurred decades ago in strange places where I have never been. By becoming aware of them, and by extension of all the men and women like the nine sisters whose lives were permanently mutilated by similar ordeals, these stories became in some sense also mine. I say this humbly. Again, I am not like them, and I have not suffered anything like what they have suffered. But it would be wrong to turn away from them for that reason, to invoke “alterity” and try to forget what I have learned. Difference should not be an excuse for indifference. If one does the work of study and imagination, the arduous and respectful work, then the gulf can be adequately traversed — certainly enough to impose moral and social and political responsibilities. Strangely, solemnly, in ways totally unlike the victims and their communities, I remember. They are a part of me. Now they are a part of you. 

    “The Wise, Too, Shed Tears”

    I

    How close to the world can one be? How far from the world should one be? Those questions represent two mentalities, two doctrines — the aspiration to nearness, the suspicion of nearness; engagement as a form of strength, engagement as a form of weakness; the hunger for reality, the horror of reality; the nobility of belonging, the nobility of alienation. We begin with the world and we end with it, and we spend our mortal interval ascertaining what to do about the relation, and how to get it right. There are some who draw close because they seek pleasure, or because they seek pain; there are some who fear pain, or fear pleasure, and pull away. Charity, and moral action, demands proximity, but proximity also narrows and deceives and corrupts — and immoral action requires it, too. Beauty enchants, and absorbs, and overwhelms, but it is not obvious that the dissolution of the self is its highest fulfillment, or that sublimity is our best level. And love — does anything imperil the heart more? Love, the commonplace miracle, is the cradle of anxiety; its fragility casts a shadow over the very happiness that it confers. The truly happy man, it would seem, is the man who lives only in the present and alone, which is to say, the man who is without a father or a mother, a son or a daughter, a lover or a spouse or a friend, which is to say, almost no man, really. A man with a memory is hardly alone. Even solitariness is a kind of social relation, which may be refined into solitude. The world comes with terms.

    One of the greatest satisfactions in the history of philosophy is the inconsistency, even the hypocrisy, of the Stoics. For as long as I have studied them, I have quarreled with them. Like the late Tolstoy, they get into your head. The Stoics were meticulous students of human breakability and raised it into a subject for philosophy. Nobody in the West ever pondered more rigorously the actualities of pain. The integrity of their ideal — tranquility of mind achieved by the stilling of strong feelings — is incontrovertible. Who lives too serenely? And incontrovertible, too, is their portrait of the assault of the world upon the soul, and of the soul’s consequent dispersal by stimulations and attachments. Experience is the enemy of composure; poise must be wrested from circumstance; we are taught by being troubled. When I encounter equanimity, then, I feel envy. And yet I have always believed that the price of Stoic equanimity may be too high. The virtue that it recommends is achieved by an ordeal of paring down and stripping away and pulling back that looks to me like a process of dehumanization. What is the self-sufficient self, if not the self that exaggerates its own resources? Where is the line between self-sufficiency and self-satisfaction? This is why the inconsistencies of the Stoics delight me, why I even gloat in their failures. And this is why the literature of Stoicism — and of Pyrrhonism and Epicureanism — is riddled, when read closely, with exceptions to the lofty rule of wise retirement.

    Stilpo was a philosopher in Megara in the late fourth and early third centuries B.C.E. and the teacher of Zeno, the Cypriot thinker who founded Stoicism. Seneca relates that “Stilpo’s homeland fell to invaders; his children were lost, his wife was lost, and he alone survived the destruction of his people. Yet he emerged happy; and when Demetrius, who was called Poliorcetes, or City-Sacker, asked him whether he lost anything, he replied: ‘All my goods are with me.’” Seneca extols him for thinking that “nothing is good which can be taken away.” He “conquered even his enemy’s conquest. ‘I have lost nothing’, he said. How amazing is this man, who escaped fire, sword, and devastation, not only without injury but even without loss!” Nothing is good that can be taken away: was this man a saint of indifference or a monster of indifference? There are other testimonies, other ancient exempla, equally stirring or shocking, in praise of imperturbability. The father of this tradition of virtuous passivity was Pyrrho, who began as a painter and founded the school known as Skepticism (which is not to be confused with skepticism). He outfitted indifference with an epistemology. In the company of his teacher Anaxarchus, he travelled to India with Alexander the Great, where no doubt he encountered Eastern varieties of philosophical quietism. It is said that Anaxarchus once fell into a ditch and Pyrrho walked right past him, without any offer of assistance, as evidence of his immunity to attachment. Diogenes Laertius relates that when Pyrrho was attacked by a dog and recoiled in fright, he apologized for his panic, pleading that “it was difficult entirely to strip away human nature,” which was otherwise his goal. According to Diogenes, Pyrrho’s principled obliviousness was perfect: “avoiding nothing, taking no precautions, facing everything as it came, whether wagons, cliffs, or dogs.” 

    The problem with Pyrrho’s extraordinary consistency is not only that it was fanatical, and like all fanaticism intellec-tually facile. It was also a little fraudulent: Diogenes further reports that “he was kept safe, as Antigonus of Carystus says, by the friends who accompanied him.” A detachment of attached people to protect his detachment. How could they stand him? Places, everybody! Pyrrho needs to be alone! A reputation for holiness is the best protection. The conclusion that must be drawn from Pyrrho’s amusing arrangement is that the values of apatheia, or freedom from strong feeling, and of ataraxia, or tranquillity of mind, the magnificent ideals of the ancient proponents of withdrawal and placidity, are not magnificent after all; or if they are magnificent, they are not practicable; or if they are practicable, they are premised on the worldly involvements of others, on a surrounding population of perturbables. The sight of equanimity should inspire not only envy, then, but also doubt. Seneca produced his elevating letters to Lucilius in the same years in which he stooped to the lowest court politics in Rome, with catastrophic results. Was he a hypocrite, or merely a human?

    There were thinkers who codified the inconsistencies of the wise man and conceptually extenuated his philosophically embarrassing needs. In his life of Zeno, Diogenes offers a brief analysis on the ways in which objects and qualities may be classified as indifferent. “Of indifferent things they say that some are preferred, others rejected. The preferred have value, whereas the rejected lack value.” The delicious notion of preferred indifferents is the backdoor through which the commitments of existence re-enter the Stoic life. “Of the preferred things, some are preferred for their own sake, others for the sake of something else, and still others both for their own sake and for the sake of something else.” It is hard not to smile at this casuistry of humaneness. There is something affecting about its intellectually tortured way of rehabilitating imperfection and vindicating the unlikelihood of a complete escape from the human muddle.

    The preferred indifferents include other people. Whereas Epictetus warns that the good supersedes all ties of kinship, and Cicero argues against Camus that parricide is justifiable because the son of a tyrant may “prefer the well-being of his fatherland over that of his father,” and Seneca cites approvingly the case of a good man who murdered his own sons, there is in Stoic writings a kind of creeping reconnection of the sage to others, a restoration of the human bonds that have just been deplored, a recognition of the intrinsic value of certain social relationships. Having been demoted as impediments to the development of the rational and virtuous individual — Philo of Alexandria, in one of his least Jewish moments, declares that a man who takes a wife and has children “has passed from freedom to slavery” — there is ample discussion of the merits of marriage, on the assumption that, in the words of scripture, it is not good for man to be alone. The proper qualities for a spouse are deliberated upon, and fertility is not primary among them. Arius Didymus, also of Alexandria, who was Augustus’ teacher, stated that the sage should marry and have children because “these things follow from the nature of a rational animal designed for community and mutual affection.” It would appear that we have left behind the war on worry. 

    So detachment is not all, and disruptions of serenity are admitted. The sociable Stoic: is he a contradiction, or one of culture’s great tributes to complexity? In the literature of friendship, certainly, the Stoics are among the founders. Friends are highly preferred indifferents; they are even instances of the good. Many eloquent passages could be cited. Seneca writes to Lucilius with passion about this passion, thereby doubling the sin. “The wise person loves his friends very deeply,” he says, explicitly joining wisdom to emotion. He calls the Stoic sage an “artist at friend-making” and proclaims “the grandeur of friendship.” He is offended by friendship that is based on expedience or utility. “What brings [the wise man] to friendship is not his own expediency but a natural instinct.” Seneca’s description of the motive for friendship is not only rational, it is almost romantic: “Why make a friend? To have someone I can die for, someone I can accompany into exile, someone whose life I can save, even by laying down my own.” The world has its hooks in this man. Not for him a callous walk past that ditch. And more: “One could even say that love is a friendship gone mad.” (One could also say that friendship is a love gone sane.) “Friendship is choice-worthy in itself,” Seneca explains, “and if friendship is choice-worthy in itself, then it is possible for one who is self-sufficient to pursue it.” A splendid result. In my tradition this sort of category-split-ting, of dialectical rigging, is known, not altogether favorably, as pilpul — but this is pilpul against the impoverishment of life, pagan pilpul, beautiful pilpul. One of the purposes of pilpul was anyway to make life more livable.

    The self-sufficient individual with needs and with bonds: this is not an anchorite dream, and it harbors no longing for the desert. Do such individuals exist? The truth is that the streets may be full of them, in differing degrees of inner strength and outer connection; not sages, exactly, but men and women surprised by events and beset by hardships and summoning the reason and the solidarity that is necessary to endure them, fighting off fear and struggling with dread, ordering feelings or choosing a dignified way not to order them, reckoning with the limitations of their wills, ruefully noticing transience, answering to some conception of the good life; not Stoics, exactly, but neither thoughtless nor helpless, and not without the capabilities of self-possession, and of understanding, and of courage. Here is Seneca’s characterization of the Stoic at home: “He is self-sufficient, and yet takes a wife; self-sufficient, and yet raises children; self-sufficient, and yet would not live at all if it meant living without other people.”  

    The ataraxic hearth? At this point the reasonableness of the picture becomes irksome, and the initial radicalism of the recommended discipline begins to seem implausible. Can the Stoic have it all? Is no significant renunciation necessary? If nothing is good that can be taken away, how can family and friendship be good? For they will be taken away from me as surely as I will be taken away from them. The original objection against the dependency of human affections, the warning against caring, is still valid: it is indubitably an invitation to pain. Good morning, heartache, sit down. Loss is the end of the story of every bond, and also the condition of its urgency. Eternal life, were it possible, would be no guarantee of eternal love, because eternity is the enemy of love. In our enthrallment to our vision of the good life, have we forgotten what we know about the lived life? There are not many things we can confidently foretell about the future, but it is safe to prophesy that it holds bitterness. It holds bitterness because it holds loss. Loves and friendships provide the specifications of our eventual bereavements.

    This is morbid, but every effort to prepare for mortality is morbid. For this reason, one of the central exertions of Stoic spirituality is the attempt to separate bitterness from loss — to preempt sorrow with reflection. “The wise person,” Seneca writes, “is not afflicted by the loss of children or of friends, because he endures their death in the same spirit as he awaits his own. He does not fear the one any more than he grieves over the other.”  For “all anxiety and worry is dishonorable.” Dishonorable! I scan those words and I grant the rationality in them. It may be that one day I will be able to regard the prospect of my own death with equanimity, not only so as to die freely, as the philosophers say, but also so as to find the words and the glances that will ease the sorrow of my mourners. But the death of my family and the death of my friends? I cannot do this. I will not do this. I will mourn. It is the failure to mourn that is dishonorable: a treason, a misrepresentation. The abrogation of grief by reason looks to me like the violation of a duty, and like an imperialism of reason. My tears will flow as a sort of somatic entailment, a physical proof, of my interrupted attachment. Perhaps I am soft, or insufficiently logical; or it may be that I hold a different view. 

    I was rudely thrown into these matters when, in the space of a week, two of my most preferred indifferents, two of my most cherished friends, died.

    II

    I met Adam Zagajewski in Paris three decades or so ago and it was love at first sight, or at least at first sound. Since that lucky day our conversation was constant, in every medium, until last spring, when he selfishly died. We were introduced by Tzvetan Todorov, a mutual friend, a sterling man with a soft, hopeful voice and curly silver hair, a radical who became a liberal, a Maoist who became a humanist, a rarity. Tzvetan and Adam and the American poet C.K., or Charlie, Williams were a circle of fellowship and cultivation in Paris, all of them expatriates, all of them serious but none of them earnest, offering ideas the way people used to offer cigarettes, sharing new work, merrily mocking cant, scouring the world for things to admire. They did me the honor of allowing me in, and Joseph Frank too, Dostoevsky’s sweet and bearish and masterly biographer: Charlie once joked that Joe and I were corresponding members of the little academy. 

    Adam was the first person I ever met who disliked Paris: except for Tzvetan and Charlie and a few others, almost all of them gone now, Adam was lonely there, and his poems were not read. It was in Paris that we began our history of walks — of the reveries of unsolitary walkers, in Paris and in Krakow and in Amsterdam and in Chicago and in New York. We wandered aimlessly, talking and laughing and reciting — “poems from poems, songs/ from songs, paintings from paintings,/ always this friendly/ impregnation…”  There was usually a museum on our itineraries. Once we had three whole hours together at the Rijksmuseum, which under each other’s influence became an afternoon of shared trances. I recall how we stood before Vermeer’s milkmaid, transfixed in a unitary focus upon the gentle pour of milk from her pitcher to her bowl, which is the heroic action of the picture, the spill leaving the red clay above in a delicate spout-shaped triangle and becoming a sure white line, a gentle vertical crux, as it falls into the red clay below. We agreed that this small passage was nothing less than a portrait of time. This most humble of scenes broached this least humble of subjects. We watched the liquid flow but not move, and we agreed that the painter had found a retort to Heraclitus’ river. Then we walked on, in a happy aesthetic daze, and trained ourselves on the stupendous facture in The Jewish Bride (now properly re-named Isaac and Rebecca), perhaps the greatest parcel of painted canvas in the world. In unison we were utterly bored by the notion that what Rembrandt had accomplished was an exciting anticipation of abstraction. For us the excitement lay in the fact that the glittering mess of pigments before our eyes was a representation. At Adam’s request, I recited a few verses of the story of Isaac and Rebecca in Hebrew, for the music of it, a story that is noteworthy because the furtive sex that it depicts is not forbidden; it is secret, but it is not illicit. The secret is that the lovers are husband and wife. A wholesome scandal, we chuckled, and strolled to the next gallery. (Years later Adam wrote to me: “The Rijksmuseum: I remember exactly those beautiful moments in front of the masterpieces. Very elitist.”) 

    The walks I treasured the most were in Krakow, because Adam lived there. I came once to give a lecture in memory of Czeslaw Milosz at the Jewish Cultural Center, which was run by a kind soul named Joachim Russek, a “righteous Gentile” if ever there was one. It was located in Kazimierz, the old Jewish district that is home to a large and venerable population of ghosts. One afternoon I was drawn by the window of an antiques shop on Josefa Street, which had been the main thoroughfare of the neighborhood, but I fled the shop immediately when I realized whose salons those elegant objects had once adorned. I was especially glad to have Adam’s company, because my trip was a disquieting one: a few days after my lecture I was to cross the border at Przemysl into Ukraine and visit my parents’ hometowns, in the region of Galicia that is soaked with my family’s blood. I needed a friend. 

    The subject of my lecture was Jewish messianism, which I had been studying for a long time and arriving at unconventional conclusions, and Adam was in attendance. After the lecture we set out across the city and he wanted to know more about a distinction that I had made between the messianic predicament of the Jews and the messianic predicament of the Christians. For the Jews, I said, the problem is that the redeemer does not arrive and the world stays the same; but for the Christians, the problem is that the redeemer did arrive and the world stays the same. They each have theological traditions of adjusting to the eschatological flaws in their respective situations. I suggested that I preferred what the Jews do not yet know to what the Christians already know. Who wants to wake up the morning after redemption? The coffee will still have to be made. The internet will be ablaze with the advent, but injustice will still abound and banality will still threaten everything. Adam wondered whether this was not similar to a dilemma that we had been discussing for years, which we called “after ecstasy.” It was a dilemma broached by mysticism and by eros and by music — by Mahler especially, for Adam. How can Mahler’s Ninth Symphony, that monument to the limitless-ness of yearning, end? How dare it end? And in what spirit does one breathe when it is over? Can memory adequately contain ecstasy? Or does the quest for ecstasy doom us to a grim alternative between frustration and repetition, with its deadening consequences, the way the search for love can come to ruin in chastity or promiscuity? By now we were in the rynek, the city’s grand square. The hour was late and it was deserted; the open market, where I had been dismayed, but not surprised, to discover tiny wooden figures of Jews with a beard and a penny attached to them, was gone, and the cafes were closed. “Do you want to visit the ermine tomorrow?” Adam cheerfully asked.

    I wanted to visit the ermine. In a small museum that houses the various collections of the aristocratic Czartoryski family, there hangs a strange and important picture by Leonardo called The Lady with the Ermine. The weasel-like creature held closely by the noble lady is an allegory for certain virtues, and the painting had many adventures during the world wars. But it was not the main event for the morning. There was something else that Adam wanted to show me, an object that for him was the secular equivalent of a religious relic. We walked over to the Collegium Maius, which is the museum of the Jagellonian University, where we visited a stuffy green room in the middle of which stood, in bright wood on a bright wooden floor, one of Chopin’s pianos. He used it on a concert tour of Scotland in 1847, and he inscribed his name inside it. If Adam had a god, it was Chopin. He always pronounced the name with reverence. He found the cosmos in Chopin’s pieces. He had highly developed views about the interpreters; I never squandered an opportunity to listen to any interpretation with him; I learned so much. Ekphrasis is the ancient literary technique of making poetry out of painting, by describing in verse a particular work of visual art. Adam was an ekphrastic poet — I especially adore his poem about Morandi — but the inspiring art was usually music. Ut musica poesis. When he died, at a wretched loss for how to grieve for him, I began to listen to Chopin, and Schubert, and Scarlatti, over and over again, with a ritual intensity, and Bach (“das Wolhtemperierte,” he exclaimed in an email, “it’s the whole world”), and Chopin again, and all the Edwin Fischer I could find, until I began to feel not only that I was listening for him, that I would be his ears the way we had together been each other’s eyes, but also that I was consoling the composers for his loss. The poor bereft geniuses, they will never be heard by him again.

    We left the holy piano for a leisurely walk in the Planty Gardens, one of the largest parks in Krakow, which traces the contours of the medieval walls of the old city. Here, too, I was haunted: I have a photograph of my parents in the Planty Gardens in 1945, immediately after their liberation. My father briskly wears a Polish officer’s uniform and my mother, an elegant woman even when shattered, appears in a smart dark coat with a hat tilted stylishly above her graciously smiling face. They had been in hell only months before. Now they were living under fictitious names, my father masquer-ading as a military man, because it was dangerous for Jews to become known to their Russian liberators; and when someone recognized my father on a reviewing stand and threatened to inform on him, they jumped a train and left the curse that was Poland. I told Adam the story, and our conversation turned to an early poem in which he compared Celan’s “Deathfugue” to Bach’s St. Matthew Passion, until finally we arrived at our next destination, which was Boguslawskiego Street. Milosz had lived and died in an apartment in number 6, and Adam had arranged for us to visit it. 

    He gave me a great gift. That huge man, that giant redwood of a man, that man of infinite and indestructible spirit, that writer before whom tyrants eventually fell, that poet who wrote imperishably about the burning of the Warsaw Ghetto from the other side of the ghetto wall —  he had been both our friend. Adam was his spiritual son. I earned Czeslaw’s friendship in 1981 with a piece in The New Republic, of blessed memory, in which I was harshly critical of certain American intellectuals who were advising the American government to do nothing about General Jaruzelski’s crackdown on Solidarity, and our friendship lasted until he was too weak to pick up a pen. His flat was as small as he was large. His slippers were still in place, and some of his books still stood next to his nondescript desk; and on a wall in the living room was a painting by his old friend Josef Czapski, who survived the Katyn massacre to become a profound painter, a profound writer, and by all accounts a saint. (The last gift I received from Adam, only a few months before he died, was a handsome monograph on Czapski’s art, to which he contributed one of the finest essays he ever wrote.) From the apartment we found our way to the Basilica of St. Michael the Archangel, specif-ically to its crypt, one of Poland’s pantheons, where Czeslaw is buried. Adam asked a stranger to take a photograph of us standing next to the heavy marble sarcophagus. On our faces is an unmistakable look of gratitude.

    “Now again in Krakow, trying to encourage my soul to emerge from its hiding place.” “The London Derek Walcott evening was very moving, but of course a soccer match would draw a hundred thousand more people.” “The other day I heard the first Violin Concerto by Shostakovitch by the Krakow Philharmonic. And then you remember how he waited for the NKVD by the elevator.” “I’m writing again (I attach a recent elegy for Charlie) and I keep my anger alive, the anger at our stupid nationalistic government. Instead of Lenin and Stalin we now have Mary, Jesus, and Pilsudski.” “I know that not everyone is keen on spiritual life. I noticed it some time ago and I can still barely believe it.” “My voice is gone and my higher mind too. Do you ever have weeks when your higher mind disappears? But what a joy when it returns.” And there were the inscriptions: “to my younger brother, able to combine wit and metaphysics (what’s better than that?)…”; “to my brother in the seeking business…” Every word I ever had from Adam, in his letters and in his books, no matter how sad or dour, was fortifying. As in his poems, so in his emails: he had an uncanny way of mingling the lyrical with the mordant, the magically dreamed with the keenly observed, the fanciful with the true, the elegiac with the risible. It was all done without raising his voice, even in his courageous anti-communist essays of the late 1960s and early 1970s. He spoke slowly, as if to leave time for his meaning to reach you before his irony. He loved mystery but he hated obscurity. His work carried the patrimony of European humanism into an allegedly post-humanist era. He was crazy about Billie Holiday. He was a great boon for the seeking business.

    III

    I met Larry McMurtry in 1989, at the public meeting of solidarity and protest that PEN tardily organized in New York in support of Salman Rushdie, who had recently gone into hiding to escape the fatwa against his novel and his life. I say tardily, because in the immediate aftermath of the Iranian outrage against freedom and literature many of the literary titans of the city were scared into silence, flattering themselves that sleeper agents were coming for them too, as if the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic had strong feelings about, say, Billy Bathgate. Rushdie’s publisher was also running for cover. But finally the event did take place, in an empty store-front not far from PEN’s offices at Broadway and Prince. The space filled quickly; people spilled out into the street. The cramped and rushed scene suited the emergency, which was real. The speakers included Sontag, who was president of PEN at the time, Mailer, Doctorow, Diana Trilling, Said, Talese (who bizarrely chose to honor the moment by reciting the Lord’s Prayer, which was sort of what had gotten us into this mess), McMurtry, and myself. When it was over, Larry came over to me and said: “You’re in Washington and I’m in Washington. Come to the bookshop next week.”

    The bookshop was Booked Up, one of four antiquarian bookstores that Larry owned around the country. He was not only a writer, he was also a “bookman”; he was narcotically addicted to books, high and low, old and new, he loved unpacking them and shelving them and pricing them and reading them and writing them, all in great numbers. His personal library in Archer City, Texas held more than thirty thousand volumes, and was a personal library, that is, the books on those floor-to-ceiling shelves were, in their genres and their subjects, expressions only of what most interested him. A library is not a bookstore. A true library excludes things, because nobody can care about everything. Nobody should care about everything. Larry had the entirety of the bibliographical map in his head, but he lived most fully in certain precincts of it. In Georgetown, Booked Up occupied both corners of Wisconsin and 31st Street. There were treasures there. The ones that moved me most were original copies of Mont-St. Michel and Chartres and The Education of Henry Adams, privately printed in the first years of the twentieth century by their increasingly incandescent author, in a large format bound in blue cloth, legendary books, and both of them signed by their author, the greatest writer who ever lived in the capital. The signatures themselves told the story of Adams’ last years: the first in a confident hand, the second in a hand that shook with the results of a stroke. I recall that each of them was priced in five figures, though I never believed that Larry, or his shrewd and charming partner Marcia Carter, would sell them.

    For me, they glowed in the dark. So did other volumes, some of which I was able to afford by the kindness of the house: the 1669 edition of Thomas Browne, complete with portrait and quincunx and urns, and the jewel-like first edition of The Black Riders and Other Lines by Stephen Crane, published in Boston in 1895, a book the size of your hand, its verses printed all in capital letters, its cover decadently illustrated by a black vine creeping across the cream-colored boards. Over the years Larry generously sent me books that reminded him of my obsessions, usually as they came out of the boxes which libraries and collectors had shipped to him. The most spectacular offering of all was Eliezer ben Yehuda’s vast dictionary, in eight huge volumes, of the “modern and ancient” Hebrew language, which he began to publish in 1910, complete with its “Great Introduction.” I was a little delirious when I saw the spines. This was the epic work of erudition and fanaticism that re-established — no, established, since no Jew ever spoke Hebrew before Ben Yehuda the way an entire Jewish society spoke Hebrew after Ben Yehuda — the language of the Jewish people. “I figure if you can’t use this, you’ll know someone who needs it,” Larry’s letter said. “Me in my role as the Last Bookman.” He went on to lament the decline of the trade in his time. “It’s come down to me, Peter Howard, and Bill Resse. When this generation wastes….”

    Anyway, we agreed to meet at Booked Up in Georgetown the following week. He was waiting for me at the bottom of the rickety metal staircase that ran up the side of the building to the second-floor entrance. He was holding a key. “This is for you”, he said and placed it in my hand. “You might need a place to write. I write on the second floor. Your desk is on the third.” He was like that. The place became my lair, especially when Larry was in town. He worked and slept in a tiny room just off Philosophy and Theology, with a small writing table and a monk’s bed. The clacking of his old typewriter downstairs rattled me, but not because of the noise. It was the reproving sound of his preternatural productivity. As I sat above him pondering the shape of an essay, or more often, losing myself in another book that I found on another shelf, the typed pages were piling high on his desk below — novel after novel, Some Can Whistle, tap tap tap, The Evening Star, tap tap tap,  The Streets of Laredo, tap tap tap, Duane’s Depressed, tap tap tap. He had so many stories in him. More, he relished the company of his characters. To paraphrase the screenplay for which he accepted an Oscar in jeans, he didn’t know how to quit them. Sometimes we unpacked boxes together — I remember a long night excavating all of Huntington Cairns’ library, a humanist’s candy store. Like anyone who appreciates the erotics of browsing, I was helpless there. One night I went up to the roof for some air, only to find a wooden structure that contained the contents of the Phoenix, a renowned and recently shuttered poetry bookshop in Greenwich Village. It was there that I discovered, in many copies, The Platonic Blow by W.H. Auden, published in 1965 (without the poet’s permission, I later learned) by The Fuck You Press, a work with which I was not familiar. A man’s education never ends. 

    When Larry was invited to a fancy dinner in Georgetown or at the White House, he would return to Booked Up to write a hilarious account of what he had seen and heard — and in the morning I would find those anthropological reports from the field faxed to my office at my magazine. (Those were the days of glossy paper and fading ink, and I did not have the sense to copy them.) He was the most perspicacious fly on the wall who ever lived. If Larry was taciturn, it was usually because he was taking notes. About people, he missed nothing, as his novels show. He had Balzac’s appetite for types and temperaments. In the years when he was president of PEN — a cultural comedy of the first order, though he was diligent in his duties and they brought him east more often — Larry regaled me, usually at a French restaurant up the street over his favorite Montrachet, with his impressions of the solemnities of Manhattan. (Some of this delightful material appears in Literary Life: A Second Memoir.) These were followed by the inanities of Hollywood. The business of Washington rarely figured in our conversations; politics interested him only as another spectacle of human idiosyncrasy. We also pondered the devastating emotional effects of a heart operation that he underwent a few years after we became friends. He never completely escaped its shadow. 

    Yet our many meals together were also something else, for me: a long course in the American West. Larry was supremely a man of his place. He was a scholar of it; his text was the land and its vicissitudes, its people and their scars, which he knew with as much authority as any scholar I have ever known has ever known anything. I admired Larry for his immersion: it is good not only to come from somewhere, but to know well from where one comes. In the tradition of writers who are universal but not cosmopolitan, Larry’s corner of the earth sufficed to fascinate him forever. This is evident in his books: they are full of detail but they are not made of research, as so many American novels are. (Richly imagined, those novels are usually called.) Gore Vidal once said, about his novel Lincoln, that he would read the historians in the evening and write the chapter in the morning. Not Larry; he came fully and naturally prepared. The history, the geography, the mythologies, the facts: he commanded them all. About his subjects he was sovereign. This freed him for imaginative play and social criticism. He once wrote a little book called Walter Benjamin at the Dairy Queen in which he pretty much sided with the Dairy Queen.  

    At one of our dinners we were talking about Native Americans, and he was introducing me to the tribes of the Southwest and telling me what to read for further instruc-tion, when he came to the tale of an American scout, I think it was Kit Carson, who had a famous fight with an Indian chief. According to legend, they met in the middle of a creek and fought mano a mano until the American hero vanquished his opponent in a fine spirit of manifest destiny. “Well, the truth isn’t that,” Larry said. “The truth is that Carson waited for the Indian to show up and shot him in the back.” Manifest destiny, indeed. And then Larry added: “Which is exactly what he should have done.” I was startled, of course. But I learned some things about my friend from his laconic and unsentimental remark. There was nothing triumphalist about his defense of Carson’s ambush. Larry was a man without prejudice, and his down-to-the-ground Americanism was utterly devoid of the ugliness that mars American identity in his parts of the country. He merely understood that the world, and the West, is harsh, and he liked that the American scout knew the score. Larry once showed me an old photograph of the women in his family in Archer County a few generations back – I think it is reproduced in one of his books — because he wanted me to see the toll that life on that unforgiving territory had taken on their faces and their bodies. He had little patience with unreality and much patience with reality. 

    Larry admired many people but he idealized nobody. He was the sworn foe of Liberty Valance-ism: he never printed the legend. Instead, in his writing and in his demeanor, he was a remorseless demythologizer. He often brought to mind a precious sentence from Hawthorne: “Let us thank God for having given us such ancestors; and let each successive genera-tion thank him, not less fervently, for being one step further from them in the march of ages.” His critical essays about Texas irritated many of his readers because he insisted that the beating heart of the state is to be found in its cities. In his “lecture” to me on Buffalo Bill and the transformation of the old West into entertainment, he concluded that “the old West” existed only for twenty years or so, but I heard no disenchantment in his voice. He was pre-disenchanted, which is what made The Last Picture Show a great film and Lonesome Dove a great book. 

    Archer City is a two-hour drive northwest from Dallas. It is a small town with a small population, the county seat, a place for roads to meet, with no feeling of a future. Jesse James hid out there. When I used to visit, it looked exactly as Peter Bogdanovich had filmed it. The movie house was a poetical ruin, as if it had been built to be best enjoyed in memory and most truly seen in a rearview mirror. The hospital that appears in the film became the Lonesome Dove Inn, where I enjoyed the blandishments of the Terms of Endearment suite. Larry had transformed four large buildings in the center of town into four large bookshops. Book Town, it came to be called. (Some years ago, as his health began to fail, he threw a big party and auctioned off three shops and three hundred thousand books.) The main store was down the street from the courthouse. The rarest holdings were there, and some literary memorabilia. From a comfortable chair in a corner in the front room Larry would greet visitors — bibliophiles and book dealers and locals looking for old books about Texas and writers from all over the country who heard that it was very cool. There was almost nothing to do at night in Archer City. At the American Legion hall I learned the Texas two-step and was regaled by the inebriated reminiscences of a toothless old oilman named Green. When Larry had guests, however, he provided for their nights: he kept the bookshops unlocked. So when sleep failed, as it often did, I would leave my bed for the deserted streets, where the only activity was the changing light at the crossroads, and ramble in the entirety of our literary civilization until dawn. Sleeplessness was never sweeter. My only responsibility was to turn the lights off. On my walk home my head swam with the rewards of serendipity, with the unexpected phrases and images and names and ideas that I encountered in the nocturnal sanctuary that my friend had created for people like us, but mainly I thought: I love this man, who keeps the lights on.  

    IV

    Seneca’s ninth letter to Lucilius treats the loss of a friend. It begins by clarifying that his hostility to emotionalism does not require the elimination of emotion. “Our position differs from theirs in that our wise person conquers all adversities, but still feels them; but theirs does not even feel them.” The sage is stringent, not grotesque. Yet even this concession to human frailty is limited: whereas the sage acknowledges feeling, because feelings are natural and the Stoic aspires to live in accordance with nature, Seneca advises Lucilius that his ideal should nonetheless be “the invulnerable mind.” This insistence upon invulnerability must have originated in an exceptional vulnerability. Only someone who feels deeply would be so alarmed by depth of feeling. 

    Yet the antidote to tender-heartedness cannot be hard-heartedness. Seneca compares the loss of a friend to the loss of a limb — it is an amputation. But the comparison is surprisingly unsympathetic: it is designed to minimize the injury, not to magnify it. “There are times when he is satisfied with just part of himself. He will be as happy with his body diminished as he was with it whole.” Surely there will be other times too, when he will be unsatisfied with his mutilation, but the philosopher continues in the same toughening spirit: “He is self-sufficient, not in that he wants to be without a friend, but that he is able to — by which I mean that he bears the loss with equanimity.” It is certainly the case that the maimed man has no choice: he will use his good eye or his remaining hand. (If you have ever seen a three-legged dog enjoying an afternoon in the park, you have seen this equanimity, and you have been touched by its unreflectiveness.) But do not approach the maimed man with solace, the Stoic counsels. It would be a philosophical error. In this account, the death of a friend is not an occasion for consolation, because reason will have obviated the need.

    The philosopher goes further, into the farther reaches of detachment where Stoicism becomes obnoxious. No consolation for the loss of a friend will be required, Seneca adds, because the sage turns out to have picked up a certain emotional efficiency. “In truth he will never be without a friend, for it rests with him how quickly he gets a replacement. Just as Phidias, if he should lose one of his statues, would immediately make another, so this artist at friend-making will substitute another in place of the one who is lost.” All he has to do is swipe right! In passages such as this one, the consolatory tradition of the Stoics, to which Seneca also contributed, begins to look a little phony. The death of a friend is quite obviously not the death of friendship. When my friend dies, I do not miss friendship, I miss my friend. All of Phidias’ statues may have been alike, but no two individuals are the same. And even Phidias might have noted that his reproductions were not perfect, and that there are no exact equivalences in human affairs. It should not take a sage to recognize that there are no “replacements.” The uniqueness of what has disappeared, its gorgeous specificity, is precisely the source of the pain. And the avoidance of the pain, the tranquility of mind that is the increasingly desperate master of these proceedings, has been accomplished by means of a shallow notion of human commensurability. 

    As James McMurtry, of Archer City and Austin, likes to sing, “I don’t want another drink, I only want that last one again.” There is the problem of sorrow. The general awareness of our mortality may be of limited value in summoning the courage to confront individual mortalities. Human finitude is universal, but Adam Zagajewski and Larry McMurtry were particular. No one like them will ever live again. Of course we do not expect our friends to live forever, but such “stoicism” is useless when the wounding day arrives, because we cared too much before to care less, or not at all, now. There is no profit in the attempt of the philosopher of indifference to defend the heart with definitions. One more text, then, this one from Epictetus, which I offer in praise of all the actually existing people whose specificities refute it: “In the case of everything attractive or useful, or that you are fond of, remember to say just what sort of thing it is, beginning with the least little things. If you are fond of a jug, say, ‘I am fond of a jug!’ For when it is broken you will not be upset. If you kiss your child or your wife, say that you are kissing a human being; for when it dies you will not be upset.” It! But not even two jugs are identical, if they were made by human hands, and if you think they are identical then you have no eye for jugs. The collapse of such discernment should not be dignified as wisdom. The differences between people are what draw them to each other. If there is such a thing as species-love, it is not the highest love, or the most strenuous love, or the love that gets one through the night. 

    “Anyone who complains that a person has died is complaining that that person was human,” Seneca snaps. He takes mourners for fools. Their dejection is an intellectual misunderstanding. “Nothing is more foolish than seeking a reputation for sorrow and giving one’s approval to tears.” Are tears in need of approval? The disapproval of them seems so haughty, so cold. Whereas “the wise, too, shed tears,” this is only because “one can be tranquil and composed even in the midst of tears.” Seneca does not say how. But is there really nothing worse than a lapse of composure? Surely rationalists, or especially rationalists, may break down, and have their outlook tested by the tremendous unreason of experience. Were Mill’s tears bad for him, or for philosophy? Reason will not gain followers by attempting to recruit them where it does not belong. There will be time enough for argument when the tears dry. Like other thinkers in other traditions, Seneca warns against the excesses of grief, but his warning is hollow because he derides grief. He believes it is chiefly a social performance: “The show of grief demands more of us than grief itself requires. Without a spectator, grief comes to an end.” Yet the opposite is more often the case: it is when the others leave, when the spectators and the consolers are gone, that the quiet ravages of sorrow begin. 

    And then one learns, in desolation, not about the limits of sorrow but about the limits of solace. If consolation is difficult, it may be because consolation is impossible. When a person dies the world changes, once and for all, for those with whom, closely or distantly, he lived. The world is the people with whom one goes through the world. The emotional efficiency of the philosophical Stoics, which bears a resemblance to the emotional efficiency of the unphilosophical Americans, scants the finality of what has occurred. Religions seek the same evasion with their fantasies of resurrection, but resurrections and replacements are equally outlandish responses to the circumstance in which (as the Talmud says) something has been lost which shall not be found again. Too much grieving is hardly our problem. We can anyway count on the world for distractions from it. But respites may be the most we can hope for. There is nothing temporary about mourning; it is an essential view of an essential characteristic of human life. Since ephemerality is permanent, so is sorrow. We may set it aside, we may diversify it with lighter emotions that are warranted by lighter incidents, but it is never wrong. Sorrow befits the sage. Anyone who has ever loved may speak in praise of inconsolability.